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The shocking photos of US soldiers torturing Iraqis detainees shown last Wednesday on CBS's Sixty Minutes II provoked immediate international outrage. Now, veteran American investigative journalist Seymour Hersh's explosive article in the current issue of the New Yorker, "Torture at Abu Ghraib," details a secret fifty-three page Army report which documents systemic and illegal abuse of Iraqi prisoners in US custody. Acording to Major General Antonio Taguba's internal report, "Sadistic, blatant, and wanton criminal abuses"--including burning detainees with phosphoric liquid, brutal beatings and the sodomising of one detainee with a chemical light or a broom stick--date back to the previous October.

The report, according to Hersh, "amounts to an unsparing study of collective wrongdoing and the failure of Army leadership at the highest levels. The picture he [Taguba] draws of Abu Ghraib is one in which Army regulations and the Geneva conventions were routinely violated, and in which much of the day-to-day management of the prisoners was abdicated to Army military-intelligence units and civilian contract employees."

The revelations have led Amnesty International and other human rights and Iraqi groups to call for an independent investigation into what Amnesty is describing as a "pattern of torture."

In an exchange with CNN's Wolf Blitzer Sunday morning, Hersh talked about the Taguba Report and the responsibility of the military-intelligence officers and private contractors assigned to Abu Ghraib. He also expressed outrage that Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Richard Myers told CBS's Face the Nation that he hasn't even read the internal Army report. Click here to read the full transcript of the CNN conversation. P.S. Notice Blitzer's lack of interest in pursuing Hersh's statement that we should get out of Iraq.

On the morning of July 14, 2003, I was reading Bob Novak's column in The Washington Post. He was doing his best to defend the Bush administration fr...

On May 1, 2003, George W. Bush donned a flight suit and landed in a jet on the Abraham Lincoln's flight deck off the coast of San Diego. There, in front of sailors and camera crews, the President of the United States pranced around with a banner behind him that said, "Mission Accomplished."

A year later, as we note in our lead editorial this week, "Bush is unable to admit error and continues to promote a false triumphalism. Instead of leveling with the American people about his administration's miscalculations, he forbids the release of pictures showing the caskets of dead troops returning home, and instead of discussing options for ending a war that should never have been waged, he offers nothing but insulting and insensitive 'stay the course' rhetoric."

Perhaps the most egregious lesson that we should take away from May 1st is that this http://www.thenation.com/directory/view.mhtml?t=000706 "> administration routinely abuses its power and regularly tramples democracy without batting an eye.

In his excellent http://www.wwnorton.com/catalog/spring04/005942.htm "> forthcoming book, Losing America, Senator Robert Byrd delivers a wakeup call to all citizens. Charging that http://www.thenation.com/directory/view.mhtml?t=00090t "> Bush is destroying our civil liberties and undermining the Constitution's checks and balances, Byrd warns that "In times of war or crisis, it becomes very easy to cloak everything under the unassailable mantle of national security, or even the more euphemistically effective 'patriotism.'"

Part of the blame for an executive branch that has broken free of accountability lies with Congress, which cravenly capitulated to Bush's White House in the run-up to war. When Bush lied about the presence of http://www.thenation.com/directory/view.mhtml?t=040205 "> WMD in Iraq, Congress--including, sadly, too many Democrats---ignored the truth and handed the President a blank check in voting for the resolution authorizing war against Iraq. (Click http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20021014&s=editors "> here to read The Nation's Open Letter to Congress on the eve of that vote.)

But the real villains in this pre-war period wasn't Congress; they were, of course, http://www.thenation.com/directory/view.mhtml?t=00090t "> Bush and his top lieutenants. They not only lied about WMD in Iraq, they also deceived the public about Saddam's Al Qaeda connections--and we now know that the http://www.thenation.com/directory/view.mhtml?t=000706 "> Bush Administration illegally diverted funds earmarked for Afghanistan to Kuwait and Iraq. It is also increasingly clear that Bush's scheme has parallels with Reagan's deceptions in the Iran Contra arms-for-hostages scandal.

Bush, in truth, disdains free and fair debate and abhors honesty in government, principles that form the foundation of democracy. In his http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/031600023X/002-3037997-069... "> new book Worse than Watergate, http://www.twbookmark.com/authors/66/2937/index.html "> John Dean convincingly argues that Bush is a greater danger than even the notoriously paranoid Nixon. "No one died for Nixon's so-called Watergate abuses," observes Dean.

On the all-important domestic front, Bush and his cronies have lied about the cost of the new Medicare law and stonewalled the bipartisan 9/11 Commission. In front of the Supreme Court last Tuesday, Bush's lawyers defended Vice-President Cheney's right to keep his Energy Task Force a secret and asserted blanket immunity for the executive branch from almost any public scrutiny. Meanwhile, at John Ashcroft's Justice Department, Jose Padilla and other so-called "enemy combatant" detainees are forbidden from even seeing a lawyer or appearing in a court of law.

Another example of Bush's thuggish abuse of power comes from http://www.avalonpub.com/carroll_graf.html "> Joseph Wilson's new book, The Politics of Truth: Inside the Lies that Led to War and Betrayed My Wife's CIA Identity (Carroll & Graf). Wilson, a former US ambassador, alleges that Karl Rove, Scooter Libby, Cheney's Chief of Staff, or Elliot Abrams illegally leaked the identity of his wife, Valerie Plame, a CIA agent involved in counter-espionage as political payback for Wilson going public with his doubts that Saddam Hussein ever tried to purchase enriched uranium from the small African nation of Niger.

New York Times columnist Paul Krugman recently observed that this administration constituted "a sort of elected dictatorship." While I consider "selected dictatorship" a more appropriate phrase, (can't forget Florida!), Krugman's point is crucial: This administration will abuse any law and assert any privilege to attack its critics and achieve its goals. If democracy gets trampled underfoot, then Bush's attitude is, simply,tough.

So not only will Bush's reelection campaign be on the line in November, but American democracy will be on the ballot, too. If Americans are serious about guarding their civil liberties, maintaining their freedoms, and increasing their security, they must heed Byrd, Dean and Wilson's powerful warnings to the republic--and vote to re-defeat Bush and re-install democracy in November.

Every judge knows that you don't vacation with friends and accept their generosity while their case is pending before you. But that's just what Justice Antonin Scalia did with Dick Cheney, whose energy case is being heard by the Supreme Court this week. Though it's unlikely he'll do so, Justice Scalia still has time to do the right thing and recuse himself from this case. (Technically, he can do so up until the Court renders a decision.)

As legal ethics expert Stephen Gillers wrote recently in The Nation, Scalia's determination to stay on the case, "tells thousands of federal and state judges that it can be OK to vacation with friends who have cases before them and to accept the generosity of those friends while their cases are pending. "

The DC-based group Alliance for Justice, a national association of environmental, civil rights, mental health, women's, children's and consumer advocacy organizations, has created an online animated movie, Quid Pro Quack, which shows the absurdity of Scalia's refusal to recuse himself. Click here to watch the movie. It's fun and informative. And click here to sign the AFJ's petition to urge Scalia to "Choose to Recuse."

In an unprecedented open letter to British Prime Minister Tony Blair published in both the Guardian and Independent newspapers on Tuesday, April 27, (and reprinted below), fifty-two former British ambassadors, high commissioners, governors and senior international officials criticized Blair's unflinching support for George Bush's handling of postwar Iraq and Ariel Sharon's "disengagement" plan in the Occupied Territories.

Arguing that the Bush/Blair foreign-policy is only increasing bloodshed and instability in the region, the letter makes a powerful case for a fundamental shift in approach. Isn't it time for a group of retired American diplomats to band together and speak out against the http://www.thenation.com/directory/view.mhtml?t=000706 "> Bush Administration's policies which, as their British counterparts warn, "are doomed to failure?"

Doomed to Failure in the Middle East: A letter from 52 former senior British diplomats to Tony Blair

Dear Prime Minister,

We the undersigned former British ambassadors, high commissioners, governors and senior international officials, including some who have long experience of the Middle East and others whose experience is elsewhere, have watched with deepening concern the policies which you have followed on the Arab-Israel problem and Iraq, in close cooperation with the United States. Following the press conference in Washington at which you and President Bush restated these policies, we feel the time has come to make our anxieties public, in the hope that they will be addressed in parliament and will lead to a fundamental reassessment.

The decision by the US, the EU, Russia and the UN to launch a "road map" for the settlement of the Israel/Palestine conflict raised hopes that the major powers would at last make a determined and collective effort to resolve a problem which, more than any other, has for decades poisoned relations between the west and the Islamic and Arab worlds. The legal and political principles on which such a settlement would be based were well established: President Clinton had grappled with the problem during his presidency; the ingredients needed for a settlement were well understood and informal agreements on several of them had already been achieved. But the hopes were ill-founded. Nothing effective has been done either to move the negotiations forward or to curb the violence. Britain and the other sponsors of the road map merely waited on American leadership, but waited in vain.

Worse was to come. After all those wasted months, the international community has now been confronted with the announcement by Ariel Sharon and President Bush of new policies which are one-sided and illegal and which will cost yet more Israeli and Palestinian blood. Our dismay at this backward step is heightened by the fact that you yourself seem to have endorsed it, abandoning the principles which for nearly four decades have guided international efforts to restore peace in the Holy Land and which have been the basis for such successes as those efforts have produced.

This abandonment of principle comes at a time when rightly or wrongly we are portrayed throughout the Arab and Muslim world as partners in an illegal and brutal occupation in Iraq.

The conduct of the war in Iraq has made it clear that there was no effective plan for the post-Saddam settlement. All those with experience of the area predicted that the occupation of Iraq by the coalition forces would meet serious and stubborn resistance, as has proved to be the case. To describe the resistance as led by terrorists, fanatics and foreigners is neither convincing nor helpful. Policy must take account of the nature and history of Iraq, the most complex country in the region. However much Iraqis may yearn for a democratic society, the belief that one could now be created by the coalition is naive. This is the view of virtually all independent specialists on the region, both in Britain and in America. We are glad to note that you and the president have welcomed the proposals outlined by Lakhdar Brahimi. We must be ready to provide what support he requests, and to give authority to the UN to work with the Iraqis themselves, including those who are now actively resisting the occupation, to clear up the mess.

The military actions of the coalition forces must be guided by political objectives and by the requirements of the Iraq theatre itself, not by criteria remote from them. It is not good enough to say that the use of force is a matter for local commanders. Heavy weapons unsuited to the task in hand, inflammatory language, the current confrontations in Najaf and Falluja, all these have built up rather than isolated the opposition. The Iraqis killed by coalition forces probably total 10-15,000 (it is a disgrace that the coalition forces themselves appear to have no estimate), and the number killed in the last month in Falluja alone is apparently several hundred including many civilian men, women and children. Phrases such as "We mourn each loss of life. We salute them, and their families for their bravery and their sacrifice," apparently referring only to those who have died on the coalition side, are not well judged to moderate the passions these killings arouse.

We share your view that the British government has an interest in working as closely as possible with the US on both these related issues, and in exerting real influence as a loyal ally. We believe that the need for such influence is now a matter of the highest urgency. If that is unacceptable or unwelcome there is no case for supporting policies which are doomed to failure.

Yours faithfully,

Sir Graham Boyce (ambassador to Egypt 1999-2001); Sir Terence Clark (ambassador to Iraq 1985-89); Francis Cornish (ambassador to Israel 1998-2001); Sir James Craig (ambassador to Saudi Arabia 1979-84); Ivor Lucas (ambassador to Syria 1982-84); Richard Muir (ambassador to Kuwait 1999-2002); Sir Crispin Tickell (British permanent representative to the UN 1987-90); Sir Harold (Hooky) Walker (ambassador to Iraq 1990-91), and 44 others.

Howard Stern: Free-speech hero.

The marriage-equality movement confronts anti-gay sentiment among blacks.

Critics see him as unfit to oversee records, noting his dubious ethical standards.

Several of the recent Whitney Biennials have aspired to something more than a display of "the latest in American Art," to cite the phrase used to advertise the current show.

I was 25 when I and the rest of black South Africa were eligible to vote
for the first time. South Africa celebrated the tenth anniversary of
that event this April.

"This is a book written in the presence of music." So begins Geoffrey
O'Brien's sprawling memoir-cum-critical essay, and the reader is tempted
to ask: What book isn't?

The stark fact that significant portions of our planet are under the
supervision of exceptionally stupid and ill-informed people is provoking
unwonted expressions of anger and alarm.

Can we please stop calling it a quagmire? The United States isn't mired
in a bog or a marsh in Iraq (quagmire's literal meaning); it is
free-falling off a cliff.

One of my favorite little films is a satirical documentary titled
Babakiueria.

On October 29, 2002, George W. Bush signed the Help America Vote Act
(HAVA). Hidden behind its apple-pie-and-motherhood name lies a nasty
civil rights time bomb.

It is time--past time--for John Kerry to tell Americans what he is
about.

Dick Cheney has positioned himself as the Bush Administration's point
man in the ongoing work of questioning the national security credentials
of presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Joh

By the most conservative estimates, the March for Women's Lives in
Washington on April 25 was the biggest pro-choice demo ever--and it may
have been the biggest march of any kind in US history.

GIVE ME YOUR CORPORATE BIG BUCKS...

Republicans say Kerry might have got

Some wounds, but not the kind that hurt a lot.

Their own man cannot ever be accused

"How do you ask a man to be the last man to die for a mistake?"

In another illustration of the current administration's commitment to keeping the American people in the loop, the White House demanded that there be no recording or formal transcription of today's joint interview of President George W. Bush and Vice President Dick Cheney by the 9/11 commission.

The members of the independent commission investigating the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon have accepted this ridiculous pretense because they know it is the only way to get the president and the vice president to aid efforts to understand and combat the threat of terrorism.

The lack of a recording or an official transcript will, legal scholars suggest, afford Bush and Cheney an opportunity to deny statements, question interpretations and challenge conclusions. "It gives them more maneuverability in case someone slips up or says something he regrets," explains New York University law Professor Stephen Gillers.