The Supreme Court Just Took Its First Swipe at Marriage Equality
Last week, the conservative justices buried a soft repudiation of Obergefell in an immigration case, likely laying the ground for more attacks.

Demonstrators hold signs bearing the faces of the six conservative Supreme Court justices during a protest in New York in 2022.
(Stephanie Keith / Bloomberg via Getty Images)
Every year, there is at least one Supreme Court case that I wasnât paying attention to, or didnât think was that important, that absolutely floors me for its cruelty and misapplication of American law. This year, that case is Department of State v. Muñoz, an immigration case that the justices ruled on last week. While I had fully expected the court to use the case to continue its long-standing tradition of racist rulings against brown immigrants, I had not anticipated that it would also turn out to be a frontal attack by Republican justices on the right to marry, aimed squarely at gay and lesbian couples. Muñoz will be a case the conservatives cite in future opinions limiting same-sex marriages whenever they get around to taking away the rights recognized in Obergefell v. Hodges.
The case involves an American citizen, Sandra Muñoz, who has been trying to get a permanent residency card (more commonly known as a green card) for her husband, Luis Asencio-Cordero. Many people know that a noncitizen can obtain legal status in this country if they marry an American citizen (see Trump, Melania), but many white people donât know that the process is not automatic. The government reserves the right to deny entry to spouses, and non-white people face that reality all the time.
Asencio-Cordero came to this country without documentation in 2008. In 2010, he married Muñoz. They were married for five years and had a child together, and decided to make his status âlegalâ by applying for a green card. Due to our Byzantine immigration laws, this required Asencio-Cordero to get a waiver from the Department of Homeland Security absolving him of his past undocumented entry (which he obtained), and then go back to his country of origin (El Salvador) and apply for a visa at the consulate there (which he did).
But in El Salvador, the US Consulate (a division of the Department of State) denied his application. The consulate didnât even give him a reason for why he was denied; he was just denied. Muñoz and Asencio-Cordero guessed that the reason might be that the consular suspected he was a member of the transnational MS-13 gang, based on some of his tattoos. It is critical to note that Asencio-Cordero had no criminal record, either in the United States or El Salvador, and had literally never been arrested. But he did have tattoos.
Based on this guess (because again, the State Department never told him why he was denied entry), Asencio-Cordero ârenounced any affiliationâ with MS-13. Muñoz is actually a well-known workersâ rights attorney, and she was able to get a sitting US representative, Judy Chu, to send a letter to the State Department on Asencio-Corderoâs behalf. Still, the State Department denied his application, again, without giving a reason. (This all happened under the Barack Obama administration by the way, proving once again that cruelty towards immigrants is a bipartisan position, itâs just that the Democrats tend to avoid using racial slurs when carrying out the same racist policies).
Muñoz sued. As the American citizen in this case, she argued that her fundamental right to marry was being infringed on by the governmentâs denial of basic due process rights to her spouse.
In a 6-3 ruling that broke along partisan lines, Justice Amy Coney Barrett upheld the State Departmentâs decision, defended its failure to uphold due process rights, and left Asencio-Cordero to rot in El Salvador for all she cared. Barrett wrote that the right to marry is a fundamental right, but the right to live with oneâs spouse is not. Here is Barrettâs tortured parsing of the rights at issue:
Muñoz invokes the âfundamental right of marriage,â but the State Department does not deny that Muñoz (who is already married) has a fundamental right to marriage. Muñoz claims something distinct: the right to reside with her noncitizen spouse in the United States. That involves more than marriage and more than spousal cohabitationâit includes the right to have her noncitizen husband enter (and remain in) the United States.
Separating out the right to marry from the right to live with your spouse (a spouse you have literal children with) is trash on its face, but itâs also dripping with hypocrisy coming from Barrett. I doubt that she would apply her own logic to her own family. Barrett, famously, has adopted children from other parts of the world (and renamed them). I somehow donât think she would recognize a right to adopt as âdistinctâ from a right to live with the children sheâs adopted.
The right to cohabitate with oneâs spouse is not inviolable, of course. The government may have a compelling reason to prevent spouses from living together, as is the case when one partner is incarcerated, for instance. Similarly, parents can lose the right to live with their children when they are abusive or neglectful of those children. But those situations involve some application, however flawed in practice, of due process. Before the right to cohabitation is taken away, there is a hearing, or a trial,where the government has to explain why it is taking away the right, and people subject to those government proceedings have a right to appeal.
None of those normal due process protections were provided to Asencio-Cordero and Muñoz. The random consular official in El Salvador didnât even give the couple a reasonâmuch less a hearing during which they could submit evidenceâto explain why their family was being ripped apart.
Whatâs really important about the Muñoz decision is that it was needlessly sweeping. Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote a concurrence in which he agreed with the judgment but pointed out that the case should have been moot. Muñoz had wanted a reason for the denial of her husbandâs green card and, over the course of this long litigation, the government had provided one. The coupleâs guess was right: The Obama State Department had decided that the tattoos looked like MS-13 markings (an outside expert has since confirmed they were not) and were sufficient reason to separate their family. The court could have ruled that Muñoz got her reason and therefore had to go away, without making this declaration against the right to live with oneâs spouse.
While this would have been cold comfort, Muñoz and Asencio-Cordero could still have gone back to the State Department with the new information revealed during the litigation to lobby it (and the media, and the Congress, and the people) to reverse its ridiculous ruling. The political process of changing racist immigration laws could play out, without further court intervention.
But the Supreme Court opted not to go with the narrow ruling.
To understand why Barrett and the conservatives (including Gorsuch) signed on to this expansive and extremist decision, you have to understand the antipathy they all hold toward gay and lesbian marriages. Decoupling the right to marry from the right to cohabitate is how the conservatives are going to vitiate same-sex unions.
This was the crux of the dissent written by Justice Sonia Sotomayor (which was joined by Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson). She warned that the Muñoz ruling will disproportionately impact same-sex couples. She notes that while Muñoz and Asencio-Cordero can, at least, live together with their child in El Salvador, many same-sex couples do not have that freedom because many countries do not recognize marriage equality. So they might not be able to relocate after a noncitizen spouse is denied entry into this one.
Sotomayor wrote: âObergefell rejected what the majority does today as âinconsistent with the approach this Court has used in discussing [the] fundamental rightsâ of âmarriage and intimacy.ââ Sotomayor goes on to point out that Muñozâs claim should directly follow from Obergegell, writing: âMuñoz does not argue that her marriage gives her the right to immigrate her husband. She instead advances the reasonable position that blocking her from living with her husband in the United States burdens her right âto marry, establish a home and bring up childrenâ with him.â
The Muñoz ruling is a soft repudiation of Obergefell that the conservatives buried in an immigration case, hoping none of the voters or activists notice. Sotomayor called out the conservatives and referred to their opinion two years ago in Dobbs v. Jackson Womenâs Health Organization, the case that overturned Roe v. Wade. But it now seems evident that (shocker) the conservatives have no intention of keeping their word. Sotomayor wrote: âDespite the majorityâs assurance two Terms ago that its eradication of the right to abortion âdoes not undermineâŠin any wayâ other entrenched substantive due process rights such as âthe right to marry,â âthe right to reside with relatives,â and âthe right to make decisions about the education of oneâs children,â the Court fails at the first pass.â
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“swipe left below to view more authors”Swipe âShe, correctly in my view, sees Muñoz for what it is, the first step at unraveling same-sex marriage rights.
Like Justice Sotomayor, I do not think the implication of the Muñoz ruling will stop at immigration proceedings. However, in addition to overturning Obergefell outright, I also think this case allows the court to eviscerate marriage equality without doing that. If the right to cohabit can be so easily severed from the right to marry, any number of legal marital benefits can be taken away from the legal recognition of marriage. The right to be at your spousesâ side while they die (which was the factual issue in Obergefell, by the way) could be taken away. The right to live with your same-sex spouse in, say, Trump Tower, could also be taken away.
Instead of accepting same-sex marriage and getting over herself, Barrett has effectively laid out another option for conservatives: construct a society where some marriages mean more than others.
Bigots in red states will likely pick up the license Barrett has given them. Muñoz might not seem like the most consequential ruling right now, but over the next 10 years, as the conservatives on the court chip away at LGBTQ rights, theyâll be referring to this case again and again. Muñoz is a poisoned dart to same-sex marriage: It doesnât hurt as much as a shotgun to the chest, but it will kill you just the same.
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