WikiLeaks: The Latin America Files | The Nation


WikiLeaks: The Latin America Files

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In Mexico, as Blanche Petrich Moreno reports, US Ambassador Carlos Pascual’s critical commentary on the Mexican Army’s lack of action on US-provided intelligence targeting drug kingpins proved politically embarrassing for President Felipe Calderón. La Jornada’s stories on the ambassador’s candid critique contributed to a breach in US-Mexican relations; in March 2011, Pascual was forced to resign.

Peter Kornbluh, guest editor of this issue of The Nation, thanks Andrew Kragie for energetic research assistance.

About the Author

Peter Kornbluh
Peter Kornbluh is a senior analyst at the National Security Archive in Washington, and co-author (with William M....

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The president’s rapprochement with Raúl Castro is a crucial step in overcoming the long history of US intervention in the region.

That breakthrough, and the president’s attendance at the Summit of the Americas, will help to build momentum for normalized relations.

In Ecuador, Rafael Correa expelled US Ambassador Heather Hodges after the press reported on a secret cable revoking the US visa of former National Police chief Jaime Aquilino Hurtado, who had “used his office…to extort cash and property, misappropriate public funds, facilitate human trafficking, and obstruct the investigation and prosecution of corrupt colleagues.” Some embassy officers, according to the cable, “believe that President Correa must have been aware” of Aquilino Hurtado’s corruption, but appointed him anyway because he wanted a National Police chief “whom he could easily manipulate.”

Despite those flaps, as Latin American journalists examined the cables, they found a more nuanced picture of the US role in the region than they expected—and an incomplete one. By bureaucratic definition, State Department records are the least scandalous of US foreign policy documents; the dark side of US policy is reported elsewhere, by the covert operatives of the DEA, the Defense Department and the CIA.

The State Department documents did reveal that diplomats were instructed to assist “Washington analysts”—an apparent euphemism for the CIA—by gathering intelligence on Argentine President Cristina Kirchner, including her “mental state” and what kinds of medication she took to manage “her nerves and anxiety.” And there were other insidious spying-related revelations. In Bolivia, the government of Evo Morales ejected thirty Drug Enforcement Administration officers on espionage charges; the US Embassy in Brasilia, Natalia Viana reports, then circumvented Brazil’s foreign ministry to transfer them into the country. In Venezuela, according to Carlos Huertas, US consular officers recruited a key source from the visa line to obtain economic intelligence on Chávez’s programs.

But the cables also provided less sinister, and often useful, information. In Honduras, secret post-coup dispatches make clear that Washington did not sponsor the overthrow of President José Manuel Zelaya—even though US officials later acquiesced to it. “The actions taken to remove the President were patently illegal,” US Ambassador Hugo Llorens reported in a cable titled “Honduran Coup Timeline.”

From Havana, where US relations with the government of Raúl Castro remain hostile, the US Interests Section repeatedly filed cables on Cuba’s desire to expand the areas of dialogue and rapprochement. In a March 2009 cable titled “Keep Your Friends Close and Cuba Even Closer,” one Cuban officer was quoted telling a US official that negotiations “needed to start somewhere.” The US official was reminded that “Cuban President Raúl Castro had offered to talk to President Obama in a neutral place.” Guantánamo Bay, the Cuban suggested, “is a good place” to meet.

Latin America Unveiled

From the Cuba cables, as much can be ascertained about the thinking of Raul Castro’s government as about US policy toward it. This is true for the broader region as well. In Latin America, where declassification of records on internal government deliberations is severely limited, the WikiLeaks cables provide detailed information on official conversations, meetings, national security plans, social policies, foreign policies, economic policies and more.

Readers in Argentina, for example, can track the debate within Cristina Kirchner’s administration on decriminalizing the use of marijuana. Hondurans can listen in as those generals and politicians who overthrew Zelaya plotted to consolidate their post-coup powers. Chileans can better understand how their government alters building codes on the construction of thermonuclear plants at the behest of foreign corporations.

The ability of the US Embassy to issue comprehensive reports on the inner workings of these governments rests on the quality and connections of its local sources. Across the region, US Embassy visitor logs recorded a veritable Who’s Who of Latin American society trying to curry favor with Washington and advance their agendas. Cabinet ministers, ex-cabinet ministers, senators, congressmen, priests, businessmen, judges and even some journalists shared information about matters of state, confiding their unvarnished opinions to US ambassadors within the ostensibly safe confines of the embassy walls. WikiLeaks exposed their identities along with their words.

In Brazil, the cables captured the defense minister repeatedly disparaging the foreign ministry as anti-American. In Argentina, Nestor Kirchner’s former chief of staff reportedly denounced the former president as “perverse,” a “coward” and a “psychopath.” In Peru, the Fujimoristas—political minions of deposed President Alberto Fujimori, including his daughter Keiko, who came close to winning the presidency last year—flocked to the embassy to share their strategies for restoring him to power. Their revealing conversations, published by the Peruvian investigative group IDL-Reporteros during the 2011 election campaign, undermined Keiko’s claims of independence from her disgraced father and helped to swing the election to the populist candidate, Ollanta Humala.

That story might never have reached the Peruvian public because, initially, WikiLeaks provided the Peru cables only to the pro-Fujimori newspaper, El Comercio, whose editors were resistant to publishing damaging stories on Keiko. Acts of political self-censorship crossed borders throughout the region. The long-term impact from “Cablegate” in Latin America, as veteran reporter Santiago O’Donnell tells The Nation, “is a loss of credibility for the traditional news media and the growing importance of social, alternative and citizen media, as dramatically reflected by the WikiLeaks phenomenon.”

Still, information is power. As the ensuing stories of the WikiLeaks phenomenon in Brazil, Mexico and Colombia make clear, the publication of the cable traffic has generated scandals, stirred debates, and exposed government conduct (and often misconduct), policies and power structures throughout the Americas. From the United States to Argentina, communities have been empowered by a better understanding of what our governments are doing—in our names, but so often without our knowledge. What we citizens of the Western Hemisphere do with that power will become the ultimate legacy of the WikiLeaks experience.

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