Latin America After Cablegate: What Changed? | The Nation


Latin America After Cablegate: What Changed?

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To better understand the impact of the WikiLeaks cables throughout Latin America, The Nation convened a forum, moderated by guest editor Peter Kornbluh, of veteran reporters from Peru, Argentina and Chile—all of whom were directly involved in obtaining and reporting on the cables in their respective countries.

About the Author

Francisca Skoknic
Francisca Skoknic is an investigative reporter at the Centro de Investigación e Información Period...
Santiago O’Donnell
Santiago O’Donnell, international editor of the Argentine daily Página/12, is the author of ArgenLeaks:...
Gustavo Gorriti
Gustavo Gorriti, Peru’s leading investigative reporter, is the founder of IDL-Reporteros, a Web-based...
Peter Kornbluh
Peter Kornbluh is a senior analyst at the National Security Archive in Washington, and co-author (with William M....

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The president’s rapprochement with Raúl Castro is a crucial step in overcoming the long history of US intervention in the region.

That breakthrough, and the president’s attendance at the Summit of the Americas, will help to build momentum for normalized relations.

Gustavo Gorriti, Peru’s leading investigative reporter, is the founder of IDL-Reporteros, a Web-based investigative news agency that he also directs. Santiago O’Donnell, international editor of the Argentine daily Página/12, is the author of ArgenLeaks: Los cables de Wikileaks sobre la Argentina, de la A a la Z. Francisca Skoknic is an investigative reporter at the Centro de Investigación e Información Periodística (CIPER), an online investigative media center in Santiago, Chile.

The Nation: What was the most important thing you learned from WikiLeaks about how the United States operates in your countries?

Santiago O’Donnell: The WikiLeaks cables helped us understand a number of things about the US role in Argentina: first, how security arrangements and cooperation on security issues have become the central element in US-Argentine relations. But the cables also illuminate the economic relationship. They contain the rather extraordinary details of which US companies use the US Embassy for lobbying to advance their corporate interests, what issues those companies push and how, behind the scenes, they go about pushing them. Finally, the cables also reveal how Argentine public figures act and talk once they are inside the walls of the embassy—who defends Argentine interests and who sucks up to the US ambassador.

Francisca Skoknic: As you know, Chile has a traumatic history regarding US involvement in its internal affairs—funding and promoting the 1973 coup d’état. So for Chileans, it was a relief to read the new WikiLeaks cables and to confirm that the US Embassy is no longer a relevant political actor in Chile. If you read the details of the secret conversations, you see that some Chilean authorities talked with the US diplomats about internal affairs and that some of their conversations were not “politically correct.” But there is no trace of scandalous US intervention in local politics, as there is in other countries.

Gustavo Gorriti: You know, it was a good experience to be the fly on the wall of the US Embassy, listening in on their conversations, looking over their shoulder as they sent their dispatches. We saw nothing really unexpected. But what you see in the documents at times is the interplay between various US government agencies represented in the cables. That is important to understand, in order to understand US policy.

What story created the biggest uproar?

Gorriti: You have to understand that when we obtained the WikiLeaks cables, Peru was at a historical crossroads: the 2011 election, which pitted progressive candidate Ollanta Humala against former president and now convicted human rights criminal Alberto Fujimori’s daughter, Keiko Fujimori. During the campaign, Keiko was ahead in the polls. All the gangsters from the Fujimori regime were already rubbing their hands thinking that when she won, they were going to go from jail back to power. We published a story—“Alberto Fujimori and the Replacement Candidacy”—based on a series of cables that revealed the secret discussions Keiko and other Fujimoristas had had over the years with US Embassy officers. They demonstrated that, contrary to her campaign declarations that she was a “new” candidate independent of her imprisoned father, he was still pulling the political strings. The Keiko story had a strong impact. Together with a strong pro-democracy activism, it contributed to the unexpected defeat of the plutocrats in Peru.

Skoknic: The most important story CIPER Chile published was not about politics but about US business interests. Two WikiLeaks cables from 2009 revealed how a subsidiary of a giant US construction company, AES Gener, pressed the US Embassy for help to circumvent a Supreme Court ruling that the building permit for a thermonuclear power plant had been issued illegally. The company lobbied the embassy to communicate its concerns to the Chilean government and to emphasize the importance of “fast-tracking” the changes to the building zoning law. Despite official public denials from the Bachelet government, the cables revealed the responsiveness of her administration to the embassy’s lobbying on behalf of AES Gener. From the documents the Chilean public learned, step by step, how the US corporate/embassy lobby works. What caused more controversy, however, was the revelation that the Chilean government had yielded to US business interests and tailored the regulation for AES Gener.

O’Donnell: We also ran a major series of articles on US corporate lobbying, by the agribusiness giants Monsanto and Cargill. Cargill asked the embassy to launch a covert lobbying campaign on its behalf during a farm strike that potentially threatened Cargill’s position as one of the leading grain wholesalers in Argentina. Monsanto, the cables revealed, launched a massive secret lobbying campaign through the US Embassy to obtain payments for the sowing of transgenic “Roundup” seeds that it had not patented in Argentina. The behind-the-scenes lobbying campaign, the cables revealed, included the US secretary of agriculture, the head of the US Senate Agriculture Committee, the assistant secretary of state for Western Hemisphere affairs, as well as influential Congressmen from the Midwest and three sitting ambassadors, among other US officials.

Another series that made a strong impact revealed US influence over the judicial investigation into the July 18, 1994, bombing of the Argentine-Israeli Mutual Association’s Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, which killed eighty-five people and injured more than 200. The attack was believed to have been orchestrated by agents of Hezbollah and Iran. The cables revealed multiple meetings and phone calls between the lead prosecutor and US Embassy officials and a degree of US influence over the investigation that stunned Argentine citizens. One cable recorded the FBI attaché instructing the prosecutor to stop investigating certain subjects and to concentrate on the Iranian suspects; the prosecutor promised to comply. Another cable showed that the prosecutor had called up the embassy to apologize for not alerting them in advance that his office had issued an arrest warrant for former President Carlos Menem for covering up evidence in the bombing.

Other cables that caught the public’s attention in my country, and which would be of interest in the United States, told how the US followed—and recorded—Argentina’s internal debate on decriminalizing the consumption of illegal drugs. The cables revealed which advisers and ministers were in favor, which were against, and which ones sat on the fence. US officials opposed the initiative but respected and worked closely with the Argentine officials who carried it through.

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