It has been common in many countries, including Brazil and the United States, for voters to choose a president on the basis of their perceived character. In some elections, it has been the determining factor; if not, it has still been an important one.

But Jair Bolsonaro was elected president of Brazil in 2018 despite having said in public, “I’m in favor of torture—you know that. And the people are in favor of it too.” It wasn’t a slip of the tongue or a hideous joke. In 2016, as a congressman voting to impeach then-President Dilma Rousseff, he dedicated his vote for impeachment to the military officer who was responsible for her torture in prison, under Brazil’s military dictatorship. Bolsonaro has also praised Brazil’s (1964–85) dictatorship itself, saying that its mistake was that it didn’t kill enough people.

Now comes Jair’s son, Flávio Bolsonaro, headed for the second and final round of Brazil’s presidential election on Sunday, October 25. He defended his father’s salute to Dilma’s torturer and has also repeatedly praised the dictatorship.

The relevance of these common traits, as well as moral values—or lack thereof—is not guilt by association. The Bolsonaros are a team: It was Jair’s political capital from his presidency that brought Flávio to where he is today. Flávio has publicly owned this political convergence, branding himself as “Bolsonaro 2.0.”

Flávio is running against incumbent President Lula da Silva. Lula got his political start as a union leader working in a factory and was president of Brazil from 2003 through 2010. Of course, Lula is pro-democracy and would never praise the dictatorship, which he fought against, or political killing. He has different values than the Bolsonaro team.

This difference in values also shows up in major disagreements over policies that shape people’s lives, opportunities, and living standards. Most recently, on October 16, the Brazilian Congress adopted a constitutional amendment that provides for a major improvement in the lives of millions of workers. It reduces the workweek from six days to five, also establishing a 40-hour workweek within 14 months; the reduced workweek comes without any loss of pay.

For months, Flávio and his allies vigorously opposed and blocked this reform, while Lula was fighting for it. This continued right up to the week before the vote; at the last minute, Flávio voted for it as a senator. But according to press reports, it appears that Flávio and his allies would try to roll it back if he wins, so that workers would have to take pay cuts for reduced hours.

Lula’s current presidency has succeeded in reducing poverty by 27 percent and extreme poverty by more than 40 percent; unemployment fell from 9.3 percent to a record low of 5.4 percent; and the real minimum wage increased by 12.7 percent. His first two terms produced even more dramatic gains. It is clear that these and other advances cannot be expected from a Bolsonaro government, based on its track record, stated and pursued goals, and values.

These goals and values have made the Bolsonaros soulmates of the Trump/Rubio team, for obvious reasons. With regard to violence, Trump himself has twice, in the last few months, threatened to annihilate the population of Iran. Flávio has aligned himself with Trump’s foreign policy, including in the Iran War. In this hemisphere, he has supported the US military strikes that have killed hundreds of people in small boats off the coasts of South America since September 2, 2025, claiming (without evidence) that they are bringing drugs to the United States.

Rubio and Trump have intervened heavily to help Flávio in this election; this has been well documented. For his part, Flávio has promised that Brazil will join the “Shield of the Americas” if he wins. This is a US-founded, Trump-led political and military bloc created to reassert and consolidate US domination over Latin America and the Caribbean.