No matter what the next President or Congress may do or think, among the three branches of the federal government, the Supreme Court is often first among supposed equals.
To date, the Rehnquist Court's environmental record has been mixed. While no darling of the greens, neither has it been consistently "brown."
The current Supreme Court is so divided on fundamental questions of separation of church and state. that the appointment of one or two conservative Justices could well tip the balance and jettison key historical principles.
At stake is whether the twenty-first-century First Amendment will be a protector of the powerful or a resource for the weak and disfranchised.
The future of the Supreme Court is the most important issue in the most important election year since 1932. Progressive Americans should treat it that way. The radical right does.
Right now, what hurts labor, day to day, is the wins and losses in the lower courts.
The Supreme Court once championed antitrust laws as valued tools to limit corporate power and to promote the autonomy, diversity and economic rights of people and firms without power. Not anymore.
A recent decision reminds us that true equality for gay people will arrive only when the Supreme Court is not controlled by Justices whose moral view of gay people is negative.
Right now, there are three votes on the Court to get rid of Roe altogether and often four or five to impose costly, chilling and burdensome regulations on the exercise of that right by the patient and her doctor.
The project of racial reconciliation and historical correction is "constitutional" in the deepest, multiple senses of that word.
To the Rehnquist Court, criminal justice is all too often a technical matter best left to the states.
The Rehnquist Court's paeans of praise for state government are belied by reality.
Contrary to the impression fostered by the government's supporters, not all the fuel protesters are selfish, gas-guzzling throwbacks greedy for a bigger TV.
Instead of kissing babies, this year the pols are bashing youth culture and the companies that promote it.
The two entertainment unions, already angered over runaway production, have tenaciously met the challenge and escalated the fight.
Madame Curie's denial of radiation dangers is emblematic of the legacy we now face as America's romance with the atom draws to a close.
I still think third-party politics is mostly a crock, but then, so is two-party politics.
The poor guy is obviously dyslexic, and dyslexic to the point of near-illiteracy.
Unusually sensitive to the fast-changing character of liberal social structures, C. Wright Mills proved impervious to the bitter ironies of reform.
We've got too many stimuli and not enough places to put them. And so, perhaps, we keep moving around the surplus excitement, sticking it onto this or that image, with the unintended consequence of creating the hyperreal.
The poor guy is obviously dyslexic, and dyslexic to the point of near-illiteracy.
Christina Hoff Summers is hot with righteous indignation on boys' behalf.
The two entertainment unions, already angered over runaway production, have tenaciously met the challenge and escalated the fight.
Our readers and Ellen Schrecker and Maurice Isserman on "The Right's Cold War Revision."