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Demolition Man

The remaking of Trump’s Washington, DC

Karrie Jacobs

Today 5:00 am

Donald Trump, October 2025.(Demetrius Freeman / Getty).

Bluesky

The $300 million ballroom that former real estate developer and current president Donald Trump is building where the East Wing of the White House once stood is many things. The 90,000-square-foot room is a perfect expression of Trump’s unfailingly plutocratic worldview. It is a flex of his tragically warped idea of strength, and most of all it is a convenient way for gutless corporate CEOs to pay tribute: Donors to the ballroom construction fund include casino mogul Miriam Adelson’s Family Foundation, Amazon, Apple, Altria Group (formerly known as Philip Morris)… and those are just the A’s.

The ballroom is many things, but it is not exactly a work of architecture. Yes, it has an architect, a man named James McCrery, and there are models and renderings. Yes, if completed, it will be a building. But if you look past the conceptual artwork that Trump has held aloft for the cameras, it’s just a box. You might think of it as the kind of box you see along the highway, a Best Buy or a Walmart. Certainly, the scale is more like one of those humongous stores than that of the White House residence, a far more modest structure where presidents have been content to live, work, and socialize for centuries. However, unlike those retail boxes, the ballroom has a coffered ceiling, arched windows, gold chandeliers, and an exterior seemingly marked by at least two separate sets of Corinthian columns. If the guests to Trump’s galas are lucky, the ballroom will also have a mammoth kitchen and sizable restrooms, although there’s no sign of those in the images we’ve seen thus far.

But Trump’s ballroom isn’t a ballroom. Rather, it’s an object lesson, the perfect exemplar of Trump’s tendency to get things wrong. The range of things he gets wrong every time he opens his mouth provides endless fodder for late-night comics and the denizens of social media, but his most consistent (and least funny) misunderstanding regards what it is that makes America great.

The ballroom is part of this misunderstanding, Trump’s attempt to claw back the American dream. And if you regard it as a symbolic object, it is the antithesis of the Statue of Liberty and emblematic not of our highest ideals, realized or not, but of our basest instincts, a monument not to generosity and opportunity but to corruption and graft. It is a rebuke in bricks and mortar (or maybe just prefabricated, tilt-up walls) to the whole notion of “We the People.”

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While Washington, DC, has never entirely lived up to this democratic vision, its founders gave it their all. Thomas Jefferson, in particular, was passionate about classical architecture, its formal qualities and its symbolism. After the conclusion of the American Revolution, he was appointed “treaty commissioner” to France and spent much of his time scouting the continent for relics of the classical past to provide his new nation with the iconographic language of columns and domes that he thought would evoke the ancient world’s democratic and republican ideals.

Of course, Jefferson—a slave owner—did not exactly adhere to the ideals he famously espoused: His own classically designed home was built by enslaved labor. But he did try in Washington, DC, to create a city of republican and democratic grandeur, one in which the buildings conveyed both the stateliness and the openness of popular government.

With the French-born architect Pierre Charles L’Enfant, Jefferson worked on a plan for the new capital and was instrumental in the creation of a domed building for Congress that echoed Rome’s Pantheon. He also entered (but didn’t win) the 1792 competition for the design of the president’s residence and offices, a White House that was also topped by a dome and would invoke the notion of self-rule.

Trump has inserted this idealistic vision of public architecture in various texts and executive orders, but he seems unable to practice what he occasionally preaches. For him, DC isn’t a city of democracy or popular self-government, but the control room of an empire that bends to the will of its ruler. Trump, a man who affixed his name to every building he’s ever built—as well as every golf course—is a bit of a slouch when compared with ancient emperors who preferred to name entire cities after themselves, like Alexander the Great and Alexandria or Constantine I and Constantinople. But, for the moment, Trump is still compelled to rule from a city named for George Washington.

As a New York architecture critic in the 1990s, I did a number of phone interviews with Trump in which he would discuss his current projects and invariably refer to a number of previous ones: Trump Tower, Trump International Hotel and Tower, Trump Wall Street, Trump Taj Mahal, Trump Parc, Trump World Tower, and so on. I would marvel at the fact that he could keep them all straight.

I can think of only one example of something Trump built that was emblematic of anything other than his boundless ego. When he inexplicably erected a miniature Unisphere outside the newly opened Trump International Hotel and Tower (previously the Gulf & Western Building) on Columbus Circle, I learned that the project’s investors had persuaded him to hire a feng shui master, Pun-Yin of Tin Sun Metaphysics Corporation, to solve the problem of the “extreme forces” generated by the constant stream of traffic going around the nearby traffic circle. The globe was positioned to “neutralize” those forces, and the rings around the globe, Pun told me, represented the “unity and harmony of the world.”

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That may be the only time, as far as I can remember, that Trump ever built anything in the interest of unity and harmony. In general, his profligate use of shiny materials has symbolized only one thing: his bottomless appetite for opulence.

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Trump’s Washington, or at least his White House, has thus far followed suit. The gold trim with which he has festooned the Oval Office makes it look like a scene from a czarist theme park. And his newly remodeled Lincoln Bathroom suggests a very plush mausoleum. While he might invoke the (small-r) republican architecture of the founding fathers in executive orders denouncing Modernist and Brutalist architecture, that does not mean he understands it. In truth, there is only one tradition of which Trump is an adherent: the ravenous, self-aggrandizing culture that’s long characterized much of New York City real estate development.

Prior to his hurried demolition of the East Wing, Trump’s most infamous destruction job involved a handsome 50-year-old Art Deco building that had been designed by Warren and Wetmore, architects best known for their design of Grand Central Terminal. It housed the beloved but financially troubled department store Bonwit Teller. Long a fashion leader, introducing designers such as Christian Dior and Calvin Klein to New York’s carriage trade, the store was also known for its wacky, artist-designed window displays, including a couple by Salvador Dalí (when he was already famous) and many by still-unknown artists like Andy Warhol, Jasper Johns, and Robert Rauschenberg. However, by the late 1970s, Bonwit Teller had lost its luster, and its parent company, Genesco, was having cash-flow problems.

Trump purchased the building in 1979 for $15 million with the intention of tearing it down; it occupied the spot where he planned to build—you guessed it—his first eponymous tower. His architect at the time, Der Scutt, reportedly tried to persuade Trump that the site on Fifth Avenue called for something more sober and, well, traditional. However, as Michael Lisicky wrote in a 2020 account in Forbes, “Trump was adamant that he wanted his Trump Tower to be a bronze-colored glass skyscraper. Scutt was unable to sway Trump. In 1980, the architect told New York Magazine, ‘If Donald hasn’t built it, it’s not any good. And it has to flash to be good.’”

To add insult to injury, Trump had promised to give the Metropolitan Museum of Art the building’s pair of 15-foot bas-relief sculptures of dancing women and a large nickel-plated grille that was mounted over the store’s entrance. Yet when Trump’s demolition crew arrived, they jackhammered it all into oblivion.

A Trump “spokesman” who identified himself as John Baron (a pseudonym often used by Trump) explained to a Daily News reporter at the time that the sculptures weren’t worth saving and the work needed to preserve them would have set back the construction schedule by two weeks. Which is to say that Trump’s respect for traditional architecture only extends to the point where it gets in his way.

The most alarming aspect of Trump’s ballroom, perhaps, is that it appears to be one project of many. Of course, during the first Trump term we were told he was masterminding an ambitious nationwide program of infrastructure construction. That never happened, and “Infrastructure Week” became a running joke.

But this time around, he’s not talking about airports or bridges or anything obviously useful. In fact, he’s lately taken to defunding significant infrastructure projects (like the new rail tunnel connecting New York City and New Jersey) to punish his perceived enemies. Instead, what Trump is interested in is leaving his imprint on whatever he can, useful or not. For example, he’s revived plans floated during his first administration for a National Garden of American Heroes, a sculpture garden stocked, Madame Tussaud–style, with 250 Americans, chosen by a White House task force, including the founding fathers whose ideas he fails to grasp. He also wants to build a triumphal arch at the entrance to Arlington National Cemetery, supposedly to commemorate the 250th anniversary our country’s independence, but possibly more emblematic of the end of a pretty good two-and-a-half-century run.

The thing that is most unnerving about the arch is that the tradition it evokes is not that of classical republicanism and democracy but rather of a whole other era of bombastic overstatement. It is hard to look at renderings of that massive arch—particularly the way it’s positioned on an axis leading to the Lincoln Memorial—without seeing Albert Speer’s Germania, Hitler’s unbuilt plan to remake Berlin with a monumental Great Hall connected by a broad highway to a gargantuan arch.

People who live in a particular city often have a proprietary relationship with its buildings and learn the hard way, when a favorite is razed by its actual landlord, that their feeling of ownership is an illusion. Think of New York City’s famous Pennsylvania Station (with a waiting room modeled on Rome’s Baths of Caracalla), demolished in 1963, or Hudson’s in Detroit, the tallest department store in the world until it was imploded in 1998.

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In Washington, DC, however, that sense of ownership is not illusory. Most of the landmark buildings do, in fact, belong to the public. The White House, for instance—or what remains of it—is owned by the American people. It is maintained on our behalf by the National Parks Service. It has never been the exclusive property of any of its occupants, including Trump. Normally, the construction of the ballroom (and the demolition of the East Wing) would be subject to a complex regulatory process that, in our nation’s capital, routinely involves a multitude of agencies and commissions. It is generally difficult to build anything in DC or to destroy publicly owned buildings.

Oddly, the White House sits in a loophole. According to the National Trust for Historic Preservation, it is “expressly exempt from the National Historic Preservation Act” and therefore isn’t protected from demolition. Not coincidentally, the seven-member US Commission of Fine Arts, which will have to sign off on the design of the ballroom, was purged of its existing members by the White House in October. New members have not yet been announced (although McCrery, the ballroom architect, was appointed to the commission by Trump during his 
first term).

In a letter dated October 21, the day after the East Wing’s demolition had begun, Dr. Carol Quillen, the National Trust’s president and CEO, “respectfully urge[d] the Administration and the National Park Service to pause demolition until plans for the proposed ballroom go through the legally required public review processes.” But respectful urging is one of those nitpicky things, like the letter of the law, that doesn’t seem to mean a lot to our current president. Quillen goes on to point out: “These processes provide a crucial opportunity for transparency and broad engagement—values that have guided preservation of the White House under every administration going back to the public competition in 1792 that produced the building’s original design.”

In other words, the public process, like the columns and the domes, is a tradition. And, like buildings, a process can be bulldozed. As Robert Moses, one of the mid–20th century’s most energetic wielders of the bulldozer and no fan of public process, explained: “You have to hack your way with a meat ax.” Which is precisely what Trump just did.

Karrie JacobsKarrie Jacobs is a veteran critic and observer of New York City’s architecture and development and a strong advocate of conducting research by walking around.


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