Bluesky

In normal times, there’s nothing more tedious than a Fourth of July speech. It’s an occasion for self-congratulatory nationalist backslapping, pompous mythmaking, and oily celebrations of unity that always evade the reality of political divisions. But in a time of crisis, the tired rituals of commentative jollification will no longer serve, which makes speeches about the meaning of the United States much more urgent. 

Most memorably, in 1852, Frederick Douglass redeemed the Fourth of July by turning a ritual of self-praise into an occasion for searching criticism. In his immortal speech, “What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?” Douglass articulated with unparalleled clarity the immeasurable gap between the ideals of the Declaration of Independence and the horrific reality of American bondage. This speech is re-posted every Independence Day by The Nation because its core argument, that the United States is an unfinished project that has yet to fulfil its deepest aspirations, remains true. 

In 2026, the United States is once again in a national crisis, presided over by a corrupt and lawless president who incited a mob to attack the Capitol rather than accept the loss of the 2020 election. But Donald Trump is symptomatic of a deeper malaise, brought on by the centralization of power in the presidency, the withering away of congressional checks, the domination of plutocrats in politics as well as the economy, and the virulence of ethnonationalist passions. His brazen criminality, which includes repeatedly launching wars without congressional approval, would not be possible in a healthy democracy.  

The national mood is sour. Trump’s actions, ranging from ICE killings of protestors to the failed war in Iran, have created an angry and volatile political moment. According to a recent Gallup poll, national pride is lower than at any time the pollster has measured it in the last 25 years, especially among the majority who are not Republicans. The pollster found that “Currently 70 per cent of Republicans, 28 per cent of independents and 14 per cent of Democrats say they are extremely proud to be American. Extreme pride has edged down seven points since last year among Republicans and six points among Democrats.”

Amid all this widespread gloom, and against the backdrop of the country’s 250th birthday, this year’s Fourth of July orations took on an added importance. Three significant speeches reflected the moment. 

Donald Trump’s Fourth of July speech, delivered at the National Mall late at night after festivities had been interrupted by a thunderstorm, was, predictably, a travesty. Rather than speaking to any of the higher aspirations of the nation, Trump bombastically ranted about his achievements while casting his political foes as “communists” who were beyond the pale. There were also speeches and public statements by the former presidents, most notably by Barack Obama. None of these statements named Trump directly, though they were all, including the one by George W. Bush, clearly animated by concern over the president’s authoritarianism. But the message they offered of needing to restore comity and acceptance of electoral results was insufficient, tired, and excessively cautious. They shared the familiar fantasy of ancien regime restoration: the hope that the turmoil of Trumpism would one day disappear like a bad dream. 

The one major political figure who rose to the occasion was New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani, who delivered an address on July 3^rd that was clearly meant to be a pre-emptive response to Donald Trump’s expected ravings the next day. 

The contrast between Trump and Mamdani could not be sharper. Trump’s speech was truly a disgrace. When he spoke about the rights secured by the nation’s founding, he immediately veered off into self-pity about how his political enemies were unfair to him, saying, “After 250 years, unlike so many others in the world, in this country we have freedom of speech, freedom of religion, equal justice under the law, although I wasn’t treated that well. But we won’t get into that.”

Tellingly, Trump gave special attention to the right to bear arms, gloating that, “for the almost six years that I was president, I guarded very, very powerfully your Second Amendment. And they didn’t do a thing to it. And it was not easy. But we guard your Second Amendment. We guard it very, very strongly.”

Trump mistakenly claimed that “our Declaration of Independence tells us we are all made in the image of one Almighty God.” He then added, “And a communist will never say that. That’s for sure.” (History is not Trump’s strong suit. He also falsely asserted that “38,000 Americans died to give us one of the greatest engineering feats of all time, Panama Canal.” In fact, roughly 300 American-born workers died on the canal while the vast majority killed, an estimated 5,000, were non-Americans.) 

Trump also pointed to some World War II veterans in the audience and said, “So, ladies and gentlemen, these are the fighters and the banners of the Greatest Generation. They are the greatest generation. I hate to admit that, but they are.” This is a baffling remark, but presumably one made because Trump loathes the idea that any “greatest generation” doesn’t include him.