A brief catalogue of the times Republicans have called for brutal repression makes clear that Trump, not the left, is tearing apart the country.
President Donald Trump speaks to the press before signing an executive order that aims to end cashless bail, in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, DC, on August 25, 2025. Also pictured, from left to right, Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, Administrator Drug Enforcement Administration Terry Cole, US Attorney General Pam Bondi, Vice President JD Vance, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, and Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem.(Mandel Ngan / AFP via Getty Images)
Following Charlie Kirk’s assassination, the Trump administration lost no time in shaping a martyr narrative: Kirk, the story goes, was a saintly figure; his murder—which, let me be clear, was a cowardly, monstrous, and unjustifiable act—was a consequence of a vast left-wing conspiracy of nonprofits, philanthropists, think tanks, and independent media outlets such as The Nation aimed at undermining the American Dream; and his death can be suitably avenged only by using the full force of the MAGA state to stamp out all remnants of leftist thinking in the country. Any mention of the fact that Kirk was someone who used his public platform to dismiss the violence meted out against others, such as George Floyd, and to denigrate women, gays, Blacks, and others has been declared illegitimate. We are witnessing the creation of a narrative not dissimilar to the one generated by the Nazis around the death, in 1930, of Horst Wessel, the Hitlerian foot soldier murdered by two Communists and subsequently used as a convenient propaganda symbol.
Stephen Miller, Trump’s Goebbels-esque propaganda minister, told the country that the administration would use the Justice Department and Homeland Security to “identify, disrupt, dismantle, and destroy” these shadowy networks, and would seek to pursue RICO and terrorism charges against progressive organizations. Meanwhile, Vice President JD Vance took over Kirk’s radio show for the week, blamed an “an incredibly destructive movement of left-wing extremism,” including this magazine, for Kirk’s death—and vowed to use the state to go after organizations such as the Open Society Foundations and the Ford Foundation.
In coordinated tirades, everyone from Trump to Vance to senior FBI figures and Homeland Security officials have let it be known that there is a leftist cabal responsible for the political violence tearing the country apart and that only the iron fist and brass knuckles of ruthless state power can restore the United States to safety and security. Trump even went so far as to hint that right-wing violence is a necessary, and virtuous, corrective to the presence of the criminal element in American public life.
This is all obviously bunkum. Trump and his henchmen are rewriting the past and present in the most Orwellian of manners. So, in the interests of preserving the historical record, and as someone who strongly believes that violence has no place in the political process, I offer you a brief recap of some of MAGA world’s greatest hits.
On January 6, 2021, a defeated and desperate Donald J. Trump told his fanatical followers, “If you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore.” Shortly afterward, thousands of MAGA diehards marched over to the Capitol, stormed through the defenses erected by the outnumbered Capitol Police, and attempted to find Vice President Mike Pence, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, and other leaders they viewed as standing in the way of a Trump second term, so as to dispense lynch-mob justice to them. It was the single worst act of violence against the pillars of American democracy since the Civil War. On day one of his second administration, Trump pardoned more than 1,500 insurrectionists convicted for their violent actions that day.
For Trump, this was just another day in the office. His standard operating procedure has always involved a flirtation with violence and those who perpetrate it. Over the past decade, he has encouraged his supporters to assault journalists, and even made comments that could at least be interpreted as suggesting that he wouldn’t be averse to seeing members of the media killed. He has repeatedly urged police and other law enforcement agents to inflict violence on suspects, and in 2017, made the extraordinary announcement that there were “some very fine people” among the fascist rioters who terrorized the university town of Charlottesville, Virginia. He has time and again advocated using the military against domestic protesters. In 2020, amid the George Floyd uprising, Trump approvingly quoted a Southern police chief from the 1960s who said, “When the looting starts, the shooting starts.” This year, he actually sent the National Guard to Los Angeles and Washington, DC, to intimidate residents resisting his authoritarian administration and his systematically violent assault against immigrants. And just the other week, he renamed the Defense Department the Department of War, and then posted on social media that Chicago was about to find out why it had been renamed in this way.
Trump has mused that a number of his political opponents should be prosecuted for treason (a capital offense); has suggested that “Second Amendment people” might have to intervene against Hillary Clinton; has publicly stated that Gen. Mark Milley, ex-head of the joint chiefs of staff, should be killed; and has withdrawn the security details from former vice president Kamala Harris and many other opponents against whom his followers have repeatedly threatened violence.
The president and his craven sidekicks such as Pete Hegseth have driven transgender Americans out of jobs, humiliated and ridiculed transgender prisoners, and repeatedly mocked, and declared to be mentally ill, the millions of Americans who identify as trans. Russell Vought, Project 2025’s architect and now head of the Office of Management and Budget, has stated that federal workers should be put “in trauma” and has created a set of policies designed to make their lives a daily misery. Trump surrogates have repeatedly called for violence against public health officials, with Steve Bannon publicly calling for Anthony Fauci to be beheaded and his head stuck on a pike.
When I was reporting my book Chaos Comes Calling, I interviewed local public health workers who had, over the course of years, been blizzarded with terrifying hate mail from MAGA acolytes. “It is my religious freedom to not get vaccinated. Fuck every single one of you cunts,” one fairly typical e-mail went. I interviewed local politicians who had stood up for their public health workers and in consequence had similarly aroused MAGA’s wrath. “I’m pretty sure he’s not expecting a lynch mob,” one social media thread noted about a Republican county supervisor whom MAGA had dismissed as being a Republican In Name Only. “But I bet he’s gonna get one.” Another commentator noted, “Time to bring back the old ‘TAR and FEATHERs’!!!” And a third commentator on the same thread added in “Time to dust off the old guillotine!” I also interviewed county clerks who faced similar vitriol for daring to certify election results that didn’t fall Trump’s way.
Meanwhile, Gen. Michael Flynn has called for the “gates of hell” to be “unleashed” against Trump’s opponents.
When Paul Pelosi was almost killed by a hammer-wielding madman, Donald Trump Jr. and others in the Trump orbit lost no time in spreading conspiracy theories about the attacker’s being Mr. Pelosi’s gay lover, with Jr. sharing on social media an image of a Halloween costume based on the attack. When Minnesota delegate Melissa Hortman, a Democrat, and her husband were shot and killed in their home in a politically motivated attack, Trump Sr.’s first instinct was to insult Minnesota Governor Tim Walz. Utah Senator Mike Lee went one step further, putting out a series of mocking social media feeds seemingly trivializing the murders. When a right-wing fanatic firebombed the Pennsylvania governor’s house, the president couldn’t even be bothered to phone Governor Josh Shapiro to offer his support and sympathy. When a group of militiamen were revealed to have conspired to kidnap Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, Trump responded by saying Whitmer was doing a terrible job, and, more recently, he indicated that he was thinking about pardoning the men convicted of plotting the kidnapping.
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In his first term, Trump suggested building an alligator-filled moat on the border with Mexico and shooting would-be-immigrants in the legs to deter crossings. This time around, he has sicced masked thugs on immigrant communities around the country and deported hundreds of men to the CECOT super-maximum security prison in El Salvador. He has mused about sending US citizens there as well, while Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem has flat-out stated that the cruelty of this is the point, and, before they were traded to Venezuela, she argued that the migrants sent to CECOT should spend the rest of their lives there. The administration has deported others to famine-and-war-afflicted South Sudan. Trump’s enforcers have also sent immigrants to the Guantánamo Bay prison, and his team has encouraged Florida and other red states to build concentration camps such as Alligator Alcatraz to house migrants caught by his snatch squads. Inmates in these facilities are reportedly brutalized, fed inedible food, and given little-to-no-medical care.
In recent weeks, Trump’s team have arrogated to themselves the right to use the military against purported drug smugglers in international waters and, absent any pretense of a trial, to execute them. When asked whether this constituted a war crime, Vice President Vance answered, “I don’t give a shit.”
And this doesn’t even get us into other foreign policy decisions—such as the support for Israel’s policy of mass starvation against Gaza’s 2 million residents or the Trump-Musk dismantling of USAID, which mathematical modelers estimate has already cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of people overseas who have succumbed to treatable diseases and malnutrition this year, and that will almost certainly cost the lives of millions more over the coming years. Researchers at Boston University have calculated that 88 people around the world are dying every hour because of the cessation of US overseas aid that Elon Musk orchestrated in the opening days of the new administration. Yet, in the wake of Kirk’s killing, Musk has the gall to claim that “the left is the party of murder.”
This is a regime that thrives on violence and on chaos. And now it has the audacity to blame the left for that violence.
Following Kirk’s murder, and in the name of “protecting” the American people from leftist violence, I have no doubt that they will bring the full force of the state to bear against those who don’t believe in their dystopian vision. They will, with no sense of irony and no appreciation for the absurd, embrace Kirk’s alleged devotion to free speech to shutter dissent. And they will fashion Kirk as a martyr to push the country even further to the authoritarian right. Meanwhile, they will continue to resist sensible gun-control measures and to defund anti-violence programs. They will continue to pit Americans against each other and to scapegoat entire groups for the actions of the few. None of this will make America any safer. But then, as should be obvious, that really isn’t the point.
Sasha AbramskySasha Abramsky is the author of several books, including The American Way of Poverty, The House of Twenty Thousand Books, Little Wonder: The Fabulous Story of Lottie Dod, the World's First Female Sports Superstar, and Chaos Comes Calling: The Battle Against the Far-Right Takeover of Small-Town America. His latest book, American Carnage: How Trump, Musk, and DOGE Butchered the US Government, is available for pre-order and will be released in January.