Saving a democracy that has delivered diminishing returns for 50 years—and is widely seen as rigged on behalf of the 1 percent—is not as compelling as the political class thinks.
Representative Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (D-WA) arrives at the US Capitol on Thursday, March 27, 2025.(Tom Williams / CQ-Roll Call, Inc via Getty Images)
Democratic Party officials, activists, and donors have finally decided to start paying attention to the voters they’ve lost. It’s about time. With a 27 percent approval rating, Democrats are about as popular as a vegan hot dog at a rodeo cookout.
The disaffected include Latinos, blacks, Native Americans, Asian Americans, the non-college-educated, young and old, urban and rural, all of whom are either long lost to Democrats or more recently have been trending away. On Pod Save America, Dan Pfeiffer prognosticated that if the current staggering loss of Latino voters continues, “there is no path to Democrats winning elections.” Texas Representative Greg Casar, chair of the Progressive Caucus, called the loss of working-class voters an “existential issue.” They’re right, and that’s why paying attention to rural Americans, 70 percent of whom don’t have college degrees, is not optional.
A mere 3 percent shift in the rural vote would be game-changing for Democrats. But if they want to win the reality show that American politics has become, they need to make to at least five changes in how they communicate:
Democrats have a bad habit of ignoring what voters tell them—listening instead to party insiders, billionaire donors, and professional consultants. Voters told them Joe Biden was too old. They said they saw Democrats as “obsessed with LGBT transgender issues” and “lacking a real economic plan.” They complained that middle-class taxes were too high, that corporations were screwing them, and that they had to work multiple jobs to make ends meet. They said they were more worried about the end of the month than the end of democracy. But the powers that be insisted that one more reminder that “Trump is very very very bad” would finally do the trick.
Democrats can call it fascism or authoritarianism all they want, and they won’t get an argument from half the country. But voters have made it clear that they want Democrats to Make America Affordable Again, not go after the “mad king” for the umpteenth time. Saving a democracy that has delivered diminishing returns for the past 50 years—and is widely seen as rigged by both parties on behalf of the 1 percent—is not as compelling as the Democratic political class presumes it to be.
Democrats need to start taking advice from people who spend most of their time hanging out with ordinary Americans. Polls and focus groups are useful but no substitute for people who live and breathe un-rarefied air every day of the week.
The need for messaging professionals could be minimized if the party recruited depolarizing, down-to-earth candidates who speak to everyday concerns and can communicate just fine without having to poll-test every word out of their mouths. People like Nebraska independent Dan “paycheck populist” Osborne, former Alaska congresswoman Mary “to hell with politics” Peltola, and Senator Raphael Warnock, whose humble-servant authenticity is seldom seen in the vipers’ den.
These candidates performed, respectively, eight, seven and three percentage points better than Harris in 2024, and working-class voters, including Republicans are drawn to them. They appreciate that these politicians and others, like Marie Gluesenkamp Perez and Gretchen (“fix the damn roads”) Whitmer, are genuinely “for” something and do not reflexively attack all things Trump.
The way most folks see it, they’ve worked hard and played by the rules—but are still falling further and further behind. Calling Trump a fascist is just a jousting game for elites and a distraction from what really matters.
What really matters? The right to repair farm equipment, the subsidization of corporations instead of small farms and businesses, the soaring cost of health insurance and housing.
Most Americans are exhausted by partisan mudslinging and Chicken Little proclamations that the end is nigh. This “exhausted majority” constitutes 67 percent of the population. They resent politicians who seem more interested in scoring political points than making life better for people like them
Even before February 28, the reasons for Donald Trump’s imploding approval rating were abundantly clear: untrammeled corruption and personal enrichment to the tune of billions of dollars during an affordability crisis, a foreign policy guided only by his own derelict sense of morality, and the deployment of a murderous campaign of occupation, detention, and deportation on American streets.
Now an undeclared, unauthorized, unpopular, and unconstitutional war of aggression against Iran has spread like wildfire through the region and into Europe. A new “forever war”—with an ever-increasing likelihood of American troops on the ground—may very well be upon us.
As we’ve seen over and over, this administration uses lies, misdirection, and attempts to flood the zone to justify its abuses of power at home and abroad. Just as Trump, Marco Rubio, and Pete Hegseth offer erratic and contradictory rationales for the attacks on Iran, the administration is also spreading the lie that the upcoming midterm elections are under threat from noncitizens on voter rolls. When these lies go unchecked, they become the basis for further authoritarian encroachment and war.
In these dark times, independent journalism is uniquely able to uncover the falsehoods that threaten our republic—and civilians around the world—and shine a bright light on the truth.
The Nation’s experienced team of writers, editors, and fact-checkers understands the scale of what we’re up against and the urgency with which we have to act. That’s why we’re publishing critical reporting and analysis of the war on Iran, ICE violence at home, new forms of voter suppression emerging in the courts, and much more.
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Politicians and activists lecture, use 10-dollar words like “oligarchy” (sorry, Bernie!), and repeat partisan-coded slogans like “MAGA murder budget.” Neighbors are plainspoken, fluent in local issues, and sparing with hyperbole and insults, even toward the super-rich.
Lukewarm Trump supporters often say, “Give him a chance, let’s wait and see.” That may sound nuts to diehard Democrats, but it’s common sense to less partisan types. Honor that attitude by saying something like this: “Trump came in with a lot of big ideas for fixing a broken system and a lot of us here took a ‘wait and see’ approach. Now that he’s half a year in, what I’m seeing is that a lot of those same folks who gave him a fair shot are doing worse off. The billionaires, they’re doing better than ever but, for people living paycheck to paycheck, hard work doesn’t pay off the way it should. Trump had his chance, but I’m ready to move on.”
This is what it means to meet voters where they’re at (uncertain) instead of where we wish they were at (tuned in to The Nation Podcast).
Politics isn’t just about which candidate you like; it’s about which candidate likes you. Nearly nine years after Hillary Clinton blew up her campaign by deploring half of all Trump supporters, I’m still seeing endless flogging of whiteness, maleness, and rural rage. The trafficking in categorical condemnation has become so irksome that I can’t get through my inbox without groaning so despairingly my husband rushes in to make sure I’m okay. Like this Democratic political consultant with the laziest and most antagonizing hot take imaginable:
This vice is perpetrated mostly by progressive influencers, not Democratic politicians, but Democrats pay a sanctimony penalty for the broader liberal left’s contempt for disfavored groups.
Populism is popular, and when Democrats shrink from it, they cede it to JD Vance and Josh Hawley. Writer Freddie DeBoer dredged up some populist messaging and policy ideas from the New Deal era. With a little freshening up, they are exactly what rural and working folks are looking for: the promise of a government that looks out for all ordinary people.
Another populist essential is calling out the racial scapegoating divide-and-conquer playbook. In a 2018 rural survey, three-quarters agreed with this statement: “Instead of delivering for working people, politicians hand kickbacks to their donors who send jobs overseas. Then they turn around and blame new immigrants or people of color, to divide and distract us from the real source of our problems.”
Defusing the divide-and-conquer dynamic also requires that liberals quit issuing reflexive broadsides against whites, males, and “rednecks.” As the protest chant goes, “The people, united, will never be defeated.” But the people, divided by social media influencers who traffic in divisive blather, are sitting ducks for MAGA 3.0.
Erica EtelsonErica Etelson is a cofounder of the Rural Urban Bridge Initiative and the author of Beyond Contempt: How Liberals Can Communicate Across the Great Divide.