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After the Celebration, Some Key Lessons From Election 2026

Populist messages and populist candidates won.

Robert L. Borosage

Today 5:00 am

DSA-backed United States Representative-elect Melat Kiros speaks at a watch party in Denver, Colorado, on Tuesday, November 3, 2026. (Aaron Ontiveroz / The Denver Post)

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Last night, voters delivered a stunning repudiation of Donald Trump, his Republican congressional enablers, and his reign of chaos, corruption, and calamity. Democrats won Senate seats in Texas, South and North Carolina, Kansas (for the first time in nearly a century), Iowa, and more. They won races where their candidates were outspent 10 to one and more. They elected the most diverse and populist candidates in memory—the first Gen Z woman in Congress, a DSA populist, and, to the Senate, the first Muslim, the first Native American woman, and the first openly gay male, as well as the first African American female governor ever, in Georgia of all places, the first Hispanic female governor in Texas, and more. They triumphed over Trump’s midterm reapportionment gambit and a record flood of money from billionaires and crypto, AI, and AIPAC lobbies.

In his sad and delusional closing argument to voters, delivered before the Reflecting Pool, the president boasted about his renovations of the pool, the golf course, the ballroom, and more, then asserted that “I’ve kept every single promise I made, except far more. I’ve actually kept more promises than I made.”

In fact, the stunning Democratic sweep was directly the result of promises broken—Trump’s campaign promises of no more wars, that prices would come down on day one, that tariffs would be paid by foreigners, that the crackdown on immigrants would target criminals, that he’d clean the swamp, that he’d protect Medicare and Social Security, and more.

Compared to 2024, the swing in votes toward Democrats went across the board, led by young men, plus 38; young voters generally, plus 32; Hispanics, plus 22; African Americans, plus 16; and white women, plus 11. MAGA hopes of a new enduring majority were shattered.

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As Democrats recover from the celebration, there are clear lessons that should not be forgotten.

Movements matter. In this election, mobilization beat money; aroused and organized citizens beat billionaires. That began not with party operatives and pollsters but with citizen mobilizations. The No Kings marches that galvanized energy in the wake of Trump’s victory in 2024. The stunning Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez “Fighting Oligarchs” tour that set the frame for campaigns from Texas to Maine. The courageous citizen response to the masked ICE thugs, most dramatically in Minneapolis, where citizens organized to protect their neighbors, doubling down even after ICE murdered two protesters.

Second, populism unites and galvanizes. For months, establishment Democrats took potshots at the left, even at the risk of reinforcing Trump’s poisonous assault on socialists, lunatic communists, and jihadist radicals taking over the Democratic Party. Bernie was too extreme; radicals were alienating Democratic donors. James Carville, featured on Democratic Party fundraising appeals calling this the most important election of our lifetimes, even opined that he’d rather Republicans have a small majority in the House than Democrats, who otherwise would have to deal with the left.

In any event, populist messages and populist candidates won—and defined the election. Democrats across the country argued that Trump and his cronies were cleaning up while people were hurting. It was James Talarico, now the youngest senator from Texas, framing his race as a question not of left or right but of bottom or top, people against billionaires. It was Dr. Annie Andrews, newly elected senator from South Carolina, running with the promise to indict Robert F. Kennedy Jr. for his assault on public health. It was Gina Hinojosa, newly elected governor of Texas, making unaccountable AI and data centers and the money behind them a centerpiece of her campaign. It was Abdul El-Sayed, newly elected senator from Michigan, remaining focused on working people, campaigning unapologetically for Medicare for All and more. It was Troy Jackson in Maine campaigning on Medicare for All and on abolishing ICE.

“Affordability” was a Democratic mantra, dramatized by rising gas and crippling diesel fuel prices. Trump’s war of choice on Iran was largely the cause. Trump’s broken promise of no more wars was the modern equivalent of George H.W. Bush’s broken promise of no more taxes. Once more, Americans have voted overwhelmingly against foreign misadventures. Just as Vietnam destroyed Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society, and the horrors in Gaza cost Biden and Harris in 2024, the Iran debacle was Trump’s most costly folly.

Democrats should not ignore this reality. Democrats would be wise to become the anti-war party. Americans overwhelmingly want their leaders to focus attention and resources at home and not continue to wage wars across the globe. The foreign policy establishment—the “Blob”—that constantly prioritizes America’s imperial role over the needs of its citizens needs to be retired from the halls of power, dispatched to monasteries and colleges to meditate on the error of its ways.

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The media is already speculating on how Democrats will divide, how the newly empowered left will face off against the leaders in the House and Senate. In fact, on domestic policy, Democrats are likely to be largely unified, building on the groundwork laid by the Congressional Progressive Caucus. They will launch investigations into the brazen corruption, abject incompetence, and lawlessness of the Trump claque. They will unite around a commonsense agenda to roll back the cuts in healthcare and food stamps, to raise taxes on billionaires and impose excess-profits taxes on Big Oil, to lift the minimum wage and increase overtime pay, to have the government dispense generic drugs at cost, to end surveillance pricing, and more.

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Between the reemergence of right-wing red-baiting and Donald Trump’s use of the chilling National Security Presidential Memorandum–7 to criminalize left political organizing, we’re seeing McCarthyism reborn before our eyes.

This assault on democracy cannot be ignored or wished away. Resisting it requires bravery in the face of threats and repression, a steadfast commitment to the truth, and the unwavering belief that we can—and will—overcome this darkness.

We must have an independent media that sets the record straight, unearths corruption and abuses of power, and advances a politics of justice and dignity for all if we’re to win this fight.

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Onward,

Katrina vanden Heuvel
Editor and Publisher, The Nation

Their big divisions are most likely to come over foreign policy and the forever wars. Democrats should move to end the war in Iran, to stop military aid to Israel, to block Trump’s grotesque hike in the already bloated military budget, and return funds to vital domestic needs. They should curb Trump’s illegal efforts to force regime change in Cuba and what will probably be an intense effort to undermine the da Silva government in Brazil. These commonsense measures will face fierce resistance from the military-industrial complex, the neocons, AIPAC and the Israeli lobby, the tech companies increasingly feeding on military contracts, and more.

Faced with the historic sweep, Trump announced that he would accept the election results and promised to work with the new Democratic leadership, while claiming to have led “the most successful two-year period in the history of any president.” He is, of course, the lamest of lame ducks. But he still has veto power to block reform, a politicized bureaucracy to do his bidding, and foreign policy and national security prerogatives that give him immense power. The big money that lost so dramatically last night will reorganize, hire Democratic lobbyists and consultants, and lay plans for the 2028 presidential race, which now will begin in earnest. To sustain the new sense of hope, Democrats will have to continue to mobilize, to challenge the entrenched powers that be, to become truly an anti-war party—even as the presidential race opens a big argument about the fundamental reforms and reconstruction needed to make this economy work for working people once more.

Robert L. BorosageTwitterRobert L. Borosage is a leading progressive writer and activist.


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