Elsie Richardson, left, with Shirley Chisholm. Courtesy: Bedford Stuyvesant Restoration
Elsie Richardson, who died in Brooklyn on March 15 at the age of 90, was a school secretary and community organizer whose activism in the realms of civil-rights, housing, and community development spanned six decades. Her signature moment occurred on a frigid February day in 1966, when she led Sen. Robert F. Kennedy on a lengthy tour of the impoverished, majority-black Brooklyn neighborhood of Bedford-Stuyvesant. Kennedy at the time was plotting a new front in the War on Poverty, which had been declared two years earlier by President Lyndon Johnson but had yet to score significant victories. Richardson, meanwhile, hoped to rally political support for a set of ideas she and her fellow Brooklyn activists had been developing—ideas about how to stem capital flight, create jobs, and revitalize crumbling housing stock. Their meeting resulted in the founding of the Bedford-Stuyvesant Restoration Corporation, the first federally-funded Community Development Corporation and a model for the grassroots rebuilding efforts that would unfold in cities around the country in decades to come.
Born in 1922 to immigrants from the Caribbean island of Nevis, Richardson grew up in East Harlem. When she was 10, in the depths of the Depression, her father lost his factory job; days later, the family watched everything they owned disappear in a tenement blaze. They’d seen the fire coming, suspecting the landlord of coveting an insurance payout. Elsie’s father had even left a ladder by the back window of their third-floor apartment, just in case. As they escaped, the air filled with the screams of children—Elsie’s friends next door—burning alive. That memory would stoke the flames of Richardson’s activism for the rest of her days.
In her teens, Richardson joined Harlem’s civil-rights campaigns—most memorably the bus boycott of 1941, led by Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. She married after the war and moved to Albany Houses, an integrated public-housing project in Crown Heights. It was there that she first made her name as an activist, organizing tenants and doing youth-outreach work at a nearby settlement house. By the mid-1950s, the Richardsons had saved enough to buy the townhouse of their dreams, only two blocks from the projects. Now a mother of three and a full-time school secretary, Elsie became a force in local block associations and PTAs. Somehow she found the time to take college classes at night. (She finally earned her B.A. 14 years later.)
Meanwhile, Brooklyn was undergoing dramatic transformations. Thousands of whites decamped each year for the suburbs, jobs in tow. African-Americans took their place, fleeing overcrowded Harlem and the Jim Crow South. The label “Bedford-Stuyvesant” came to denote a vast area of Central Brooklyn in which blacks made up the majority; by the mid-1960s, 400,000 people lived there. (Following the riots of July 1964, the national media labeled Bed-Stuy “America’s largest ghetto.”) The area boasted row upon row of elegant Victorian brownstones, which housed a substantial black middle class. Yet Bed-Stuy also knew wrenching joblessness, poverty, and crime. Most families paid exorbitant rents for cramped quarters and made do with woefully inadequate schools, sanitation, and hospitals.
Black Brooklynites also found themselves systematically excluded from the Democratic Party clubhouses that controlled local politics. To compensate, they built a dense network of civic groups, block associations, churches, civil-rights organizations, and social-service providers. Tying them all together was an umbrella organization called the Central Brooklyn Coordinating Council (CBCC), which at the height of its influence included more than 100 local groups and provided de facto political representation for the community.