I have witnessed what Bernard Lewis, and later Samuel Huntington, designated the “clash of civilizations” between Christendom and Islam up close in at least two wars. One was the Lebanese civil war that erupted in the spring of 1975, pitting universal values and tolerance against sectarianism and fanaticism.
The other took place in Bosnia, where the adherents of pluralism and equality battled racists and ethnic cleansers. Both wars fit the clash paradigm, but not as Lewis and Huntington fashioned it. In Lebanon and Bosnia, the partisans of equality and democracy were nominally Muslim–their opponents defiantly Christian.
The schema of civilizational collision that Professor Lewis posited in his landmark September 1990 Atlantic Monthly contribution, “The Roots of Muslim Rage,” omits both Lebanon and Bosnia. Republished here alongside fifty other essays on Islam, history and politics, Lewis’s best-known polemic cites conflicts that undermine his contention that enlightened Christendom is locked in a near-eternal battle with the dark forces of Islam. The reason, he writes, for the global Christian-Muslim tension is that “for [non-Muslim] misbelievers to rule over true believers is blasphemous and unnatural, since it leads to the corruption of religion and morality in society…. This may help us to understand the current troubles in such diverse places as Ethiopian Eritrea, Indian Kashmir, Chinese Sinkiang, and Yugoslav Kosovo, in all of which Muslim populations are ruled by non-Muslim governments.” Alas, his conceptual framework prevents any understanding of the lands he mentions. In “Ethiopian” Eritrea, a secular liberation front headed by a Christian named Isaias Afewerki achieved independence from then-Marxist Ethiopia after thirty years of struggle. When I covered that war, the guerrillas never mentioned religion as relevant to their demand for independence. The operative fact was that Eritrea had been an Italian colony from 1889. At the end of the Second World War, the Allies awarded Italy’s former colony to the Ethiopian emperor, Haile Selassie, without consulting its inhabitants. Most Eritreans–Muslim, Christian and animist–rejected absorption into Haile Selassie’s Amharic empire and, later, the Marxist terror state of the Dergue, which overthrew him. By the end, Eritrean Marxists were battling fellow Marxists from Addis Ababa. As for Yugoslav Kosovo, Muslims sought independence from Belgrade not as adherents of Islam but as Albanians fearful of annihilation. Kosovo’s Serb minority had–and justifiably still has–the same fear. The Albanians who persecute them today are Muslim and Christian, believer and atheist. Sinkiang’s struggle for freedom bears a greater resemblance to Buddhist Tibet’s than to Kashmir’s. And the Kashmiris have suffered almost as much from the depredations of their Muslim neighbors in Pakistan as from their Hindu overlords in New Delhi.