Monday’s 3-2 vote by the Federal Communications Commission to remove barriers to corporate consolidation of control over the media capped a process that, even by the standards of George W. Bush’s Washington, bent the rules to serve the special interests.
But the special interests and their allies in the FCC majority may finally have bent those rules to the breaking point. Indeed, even as he objected to Monday’s decision, dissenting Commissioner Michael Copps said, “The obscurity of this issue that many have relied upon in the past, where only a few dozen inside-the-Beltway lobbyists understood this issue, is gone forever.”
There is no question that, for the first time in recent American history, media has become a political issue. And, perhaps as significantly, the scandalous way in which the FCC does business has been exposed. “If ever we needed an example of what is wrong with the way in which the FCC handles issues of media ownership, the fight over these rule changes provides it,” says US Representative Bernie Sanders, I-Vermont, the leading critic of media consolidation in Congress. “We have seen that, at the FCC, the regulators do not regulate the industry. It’s the opposite: The industry regulates the regulators. And that has to change.”
In addition to provoking passionate opposition from civil rights, consumer, labor, religious and community groups across the country, this spring’s debate over the six sweeping changes in media ownership regulations drew more scrutiny of the FCC than had ever before been seen. And that attention has revealed an agency where corporations that are supposed to be regulated enjoy extraordinary access to the regulators – and the favorable treatment that extends from that access.
The FCC majority went to such extremes in assuring a result that would satisfy the demands of the nation’s most powerful media corporations that the two dissenting commissioners took the rare step of criticizing the majority for producing what Commissioner Jonathan Adelstein referred to as an “outcome-driven political document.”
“When this full document is finally made public, I expect it will be torn apart by media experts, academics, consumer groups, activists, and most of all, the American people,” explained Adelstein. “They will find it riddled with contradictions, inconsistencies, false assumptions and outcome-driven thinking.”