The Republican wave that swept the country seemed to crash and recede
right at the California border, but only barely.
Governor Pataki's effective Gary Cooper imitation leaves Democrats in despair.
It's Friday afternoon in early October at the Working Families Party's
shabby but bustling headquarters in downtown Brooklyn, and no one is
going home early.
Unions have improved their political game but are unhappy with the
Opponents of the Florida governor are organizing voters still angry
Reforms have proven so popular that after two years they may be here to stay.
The biggest story of the biggest primary election night of 2002 echoed
the biggest story of the 2000 election: Florida Governor Jeb Bush,
Florida Secretary of State Katherine Harris and the gang that couldn't
design a ballot straight blew it again. Just as the fierce
indifference--and in some cases outright hostility--of Florida officials
to the practical demands of democracy warped the Sunshine State's 2000
presidential vote, so the "fixes" initiated by Bush, Harris and their
legislative allies have resulted in another election without a result.
As The Nation went to press, the contest between former Attorney
General Janet Reno and wealthy lawyer Bill McBride for the Democratic
nomination against Jeb Bush was too close to call and both campaigns
were readying legal teams.
When Floridians went to the polls September 10 to nominate a Democratic
challenger to Jeb Bush, they were supposed to encounter voter-friendly
ballots, machinery and procedures. Never again would Florida voters be
victimized as they were in 2000 by election systems that even the US
Supreme Court, which awarded the presidency to George W. Bush,
acknowledges violated the Constitution's equal protection clause. That
was the promise of Jeb Bush in May 2001, when he signed reform
legislation and declared, "[We] have resolved the problem. Other states
ought to look at this as a model...."
Bush boasted too soon. Instead of a fix, he and Harris--who quit her job
to run for Congress--cut corners, failed to recognize potential
technical problems and provided inadequate resources and information to
local election officials. The byproduct was such chaos in at least
fourteen counties on Primary Day 2002 that it sometimes made the 2000
presidential vote look like a smooth operation. Poll workers failed to
show up in Broward County and didn't know how to turn on vote-counting
machines in Duval County. An optical scan machine in Union County
registered votes only for Republican candidates. When new, ATM-style
voting machines couldn't be activated in Palm Beach County--home of the
butterfly ballot--frustrated voters walked away. A polling place in
Miami opened five hours late, after more than 500 voters were turned
away. Across the state, voting machinery in dozens--perhaps hundreds--of
precincts failed to operate properly. Problems were so widespread that
Bush finally ordered voting sites to remain open for an additional two
hours, but some precincts failed to get the message and shut their
As in 2000, problems were reported most frequently in heavily Democratic
districts and communities with large minority populations, like Miami's
Liberty City district. And, just as flawed voting systems and procedures
made it virtually impossible to get a precise read on the results of the
2000 presidential contest between George W. Bush and Al Gore in Florida,
so chaos in the 2002 primary voting muddled the result of the
Reno-McBride contest. Reno had to wait for more than an hour for the
computerized voting machine at her Miami-area precinct to function.
"What is it with Democrats having a hard time voting?" Jeb Bush mused,
displaying the same quickness to blame the victims of the state's
incompetence as did Republicans in 2000.
The better question is: What is it with Jeb Bush and the Republicans who
control the Florida legislature that they have such a hard time
reforming a flawed election system that Cuban officials have offered to
send democracy educators to the state? Florida isn't about to accept
that offer anytime soon, so it falls to Congress to intervene. Bush,
Harris and many Congressional Republicans have argued that states are
best prepared to set election standards. But Florida's primary chaos
makes it clear that it's time for Congress to pass uniform national
standards--as proposed by Congressman John Conyers, among others--to
guarantee that all states treat voters equally and that resources are
allocated fairly to low-income and minority precincts.
Congressional Democrats, who have been negotiating compromises on
election reform legislation in a House-Senate conference committee,
should recognize that soft standards will be abused by the likes of Jeb
Bush. And Florida Democrats, who have struggled to mount a coherent
gubernatorial challenge to Bush, ought finally to recognize that
repairing the state's damaged democracy can be a winning issue for their
candidate--if they ever figure out his or her identity.
In the 39 states that elect appellate judges, politicization of the
bench is growing.
The former Labor Secretary is a top gubernatorial contender in Massachusetts.
Who says the good guys never win? California's new global warming law is
a bona fide big deal. Signed into law by Governor Gray Davis on July 22,
the global warming bill requires that the greenhouse gas emissions of
all passenger vehicles sold in the state be reduced to the "maximum"
economically feasible extent starting in model year 2009. It doesn't ban
sport utility vehicles, but it does the next best thing: It forces
automakers to design them as efficiently as possible. Hybrids and
hydrogen, here we come!
If the bill survives a promised legal challenge from the auto industry,
it will rank as the most significant official action against global
warming yet taken in the United States. It also ranks as the biggest
environmental victory of any sort scored during George W. Bush's
presidency. What's more, the behind-the-scenes story of the bill offers
valuable lessons for how environmentalists and progressives in general
can win more such victories in the future.
§ Lesson 1: Pick a target that matters. "Once the election
was decided and Bush and [Chief of Staff] Andrew Card were in the White
House, it was clear Washington was a dead end for progress on auto fuel
efficiency or global warming," says Russell Long, executive director of
the Bluewater Network, which initiated the California bill. "But
California is the fifth-biggest economy in the world." California is
also the single most important automotive market. It not only accounts
for 10 percent of all US new-auto sales, it has historically led the
nation in auto regulation. Unleaded gasoline, catalytic converters,
hybrid cars--all appeared first in the Golden State.
How so? In 1967 California's air quality was so noxious it was granted
the right to set its own air standards; other states have had the option
to choose California's (tougher) standards or the federal government's.
In short, change the law in California and you can tip the entire
national market. "You can't make one car for California and another car
for Washington, DC," explains Eron Shosteck, a spokesman for the
Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers. Since transportation accounts for
33 percent of America's greenhouse gas emissions, the ultimate impact of
California's example could be huge.
§ Lesson 2: Embrace radical ends but flexible means.
Corporate lobbyists love to portray all environmental regulations as a
"command and control" form of economic dictatorship, as in the old
Soviet Union. That's a canard, of course, but the authors of the
California bill defanged that argument by omitting any specific
directions for how automakers are to achieve these unprecedented
greenhouse gas reductions. The bill empowers the California Air
Resources Board to decide what is feasible (by 2005, subject to the
legislature's review), but it explicitly prohibits such political
nonstarters as banning SUVs or raising gas or vehicle taxes. How to get
there from here will be left to the auto industry's engineers.
§ Lesson 3: Unite grassroots pressure with insider muscle and
celebrity clout. This part was tricky. Early backers of the bill
included the Bluewater Network and the Coalition for Clean Air, but
support from the larger national environmental groups only came later.
"They saw this bill as too extreme for their agenda, and they had other
things on their plate," said one legislative aide in Sacramento who
insisted on anonymity. "But once they saw it had traction, they got on
board and helped a lot." That traction came from dogged lobbying by the
bill's sponsor, freshman Assemblywoman Fran Pavley. A Democrat and
longtime activist from the Los Angeles area, Pavley apparently didn't
care that the bill was a long shot. Her aide Anne Baker says, "I've
worked in Sacramento a long time. If we hadn't had an outside group and
a freshman member, this [bill] probably wouldn't have been tried in the
What the Sierra Club and the Natural Resources Defense Council
eventually brought to the fight was lobbying experience, vast membership
rolls and contacts with luminaries like Robert Redford and John McCain,
who telephoned wavering legislators at crucial moments. "The Latino
caucus also was a strong supporter," recalls NRDC lobbyist Ann Notthoff.
"We have cooperated with them on toxics and air pollution issues before,
and that gave us credibility on this issue."
§ Lesson 4: Remember, the bad guys make mistakes too. In the
end, the bill passed the Assembly without a single vote to spare, and
only because the industry overplayed its hand with a wildly misleading
million-dollar-plus advertising blitz. "They didn't think they could
lose," explains V. John White, a consultant who lobbies for the Sierra
Club. "We ended up splitting the business caucus, largely because the
auto industry was so shrill and arrogant. They wouldn't negotiate,
wouldn't compromise--they were just against the bill. So that left
members with a simple choice between the industry and us." Since polls
showed that 81 percent of Californians favored the bill, even
traditionally probusiness members felt safe bucking the auto industry.
It also didn't hurt that the bill was backed by a wide range of groups,
from city governments and water agencies to church leaders and Silicon
What's next? The automakers will sue, claiming that federal
fuel-efficiency law pre-empts the California measure. But that's the
lawyers. In their design and marketing departments most companies are
already accelerating their pursuit of green technologies. Thanks to
California, the writing is on the wall.