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Nation Topics - Economy

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Although the timing was off, a conference on globalism connects the dots between its subject and terrorism.

The WTO agreement is not a victory for the people; the corporations still rule.

How the right is using trade law to overturn American democracy.

The WTO trade conference there pitted developing countries against the major powers.

What goes down comes around. Amidst all the attention to United Airlines' post-September 11 woes, no one noticed the ringing irony of its tapping John W. Creighton Jr.

The social safety net has become frayed because of welfare "reform."

President Bush is using his popularity in the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks to push through some deeply partisan legislation.

September 11 showed us true American heroes. Now let's build on their strength.

The September 11 attack on the World Trade Center led journalists and image-makers to rediscover New York's working class. In an extraordinary essay in Business Week titled "Real Masters of the Universe," Bruce Nussbaum noted that during the rescue effort, "big, beefy working-class guys became heroes once again, replacing the telegenic financial analysts and techno-billionaires who once had held the nation in thrall." Nussbaum fulsomely praised "men and women making 40 grand a year...risking their own lives--to save investment bankers and traders making 10 times that amount." In The New York Times Magazine, Verlyn Klinkenborg, describing the construction workers who formed the second wave of rescuers, wrote, "A city of unsoiled and unroughened hands has learned to love a class of laborers it once tried hard not to notice."

Until September 11, working-class New Yorkers had disappeared from public portrayals and mental maps of Gotham. This contrasted sharply with the more distant past. When World War II ended, New York was palpably a working-class city. Within easy walking distance of what we now call ground zero were myriad sites of blue-collar labor, from a cigarette factory on Water Street to hundreds of small printing firms, to docks where longshoremen unloaded products from around the world, to commodity markets where the ownership of goods like coffee was not only exchanged, but the products themselves were stored and processed.

Much of what made post-World War II New York great came from the influence of its working class. Workers and their families helped pattern the fabric of the city with their culture, style and worldview. Through political and ethnic organizations, tenant and neighborhood associations and, above all, unions they helped create a social-democratic polity unique in the country in its ambition and achievements. New York City became a laboratory for a social urbanism committed to an expansive welfare state, racial equality and popular access to culture and education.

Over time, though, the influence and social presence of working-class New Yorkers faded, as manufacturing jobs disappeared, suburbanization dispersed city residents and anti-Communism made the language of class unacceptable. Then came the fiscal crisis of the 1970s, which saw a rapid shift of power to the corporate and banking elite. When the city recovered, with an economy and culture ever more skewed toward a narrow but enormously profitable financial sector, working-class New York seemed bleached out by the white light of new money.

The September 11 attack and the response to it have once again made working-class New Yorkers visible and appreciated. Not only were the rescuers working class, but so were most of the victims. They were part of a working class that has changed since 1945, becoming more diverse in occupation, race and ethnicity. Killed that day, along with the fire, police and emergency medical workers, were accountants, clerks, secretaries, restaurant employees, janitors, security guards and electricians. Many financial firm victims, far from being mega-rich, were young traders and technicians, the grunts of the world capital markets.

The newfound appreciation of working-class New York creates an opening for insisting that decisions about rebuilding the city involve all social sectors. Whatever else it was, the World Trade Center was not a complex that grew out of a democratic city-planning process. We need to do better this time. Labor and community groups must be full partners in deciding what should be built and where, how precious public funds are allocated and what kinds of jobs--and job standards--are promoted. Some already have begun pushing for inclusion; others should begin doing so now.

In the coming weeks and months, we need to rethink the economic development strategies of the past half-century, which benefited many New Yorkers but did not serve others well. Might some of the recovery money be better spent on infrastructure support for local manufacturing, rather than on new office towers in lower Manhattan? And perhaps some should go to human capital investment, in schools, public health and much-needed housing, creating a work force and environment that would attract and sustain a variety of economic enterprises.

Winning even a modest voice for working-class New Yorkers in the reconstruction process won't be easy. Already, political and business leaders have called for appointing a rebuilding authority, empowered to circumvent zoning and environmental regulations and normal controls over public spending. The effect would be to deny ordinary citizens any role in shaping the city of the future. As the shameful airline bailout--which allocated no money to laid-off workers--so clearly demonstrated, inside operators with money and connections have the advantage in moments of confusion and urgency.

But altered perceptions of New York may change the usual calculus. On September 11, working-class New Yorkers were the heroes and the victims, giving them a strong moral claim on planning the future. Rightfully, they had that claim on September 10, too, even if few in power acknowledged it. It ought not require mass death to remind us who forms the majority of the city's population and who keeps it functioning, day after day after day.

It's time to ask "borderless" corporations: Which side are you on?

Blogs

In the wake of Hurricane Irene and on the eve of the 10th anniversary of the September 11 terrorist attacks, public workers deserve much better.

September 6, 2011

In honor of Labor Day, here’s a stab at the impossible task of naming the best songs ever written about working people.

September 4, 2011

Rage Against the Machine's Tom Morello, along with comrades such as the MC5’s Wayne Kramer and Rise Against’s Tom McIlrath, will launch the Justice Tour of labor battleground states Wisconsin, Michigan and Ohio with a welcome from firefighters union bagpipers. It's the new solidarity, crossing lines of class, politics, ideology and music.

September 4, 2011

Zero job growth, a 16.2 percent real unemployment rate, a shrinking work week, declining pay: Obama has his Labor Day work cut out for him.

September 2, 2011

 The first Republican candidate's jobs plan is just a collection of right wing talking points. 

September 1, 2011

A new report on excessive CEO salaries underscores the need to restore sanity to pay equity and corporate taxes.

August 31, 2011

President Obama will propose a needed jobs program. But how to get it through a Congress that growls, “America's broke”? Fight for a financial transactions tax.

August 31, 2011

Progressive economists applauded Obama's pick of Alan Krueger as chief economist, but warned that his ideas for job creation may be too little, too late.

August 30, 2011

Democrats who run on clear platforms of standing with workers, defending public education and taxing corporations win elections.

August 29, 2011

Hundreds of thousands of peaceful demonstrators participated in marches across Chile, united by the same desire: that the government would commit to working towards a quality, free, not-for-profit education for all students.

August 26, 2011