The defeat of John Kerry, combined with the Republican advances in the House and Senate, has unleashed waves of dismay and perplexity within liberal and progressive circles. What happened? Why did so many voters embrace a President whose Iraq policy was paved with lies and deceptions, who has shown contempt for science, the rule of law and many of the principles of the Enlightenment, and whose economic policies favor the rich at the expense of the vast majority of Americans? What lessons do we draw from Kerry's failure to win over the electorate in spite of the Bush Administration's conspicuous failures? Are the Democrats crippled, or merely wounded, and is the party really out of touch with "mainstream" values? Finally, what should the priorities of the progressive movement be in this era of Republican dominance, and what is the best formula for future electoral success? The Nation asked some of the country's leading political activists and intellectuals for their thoughts on one or more of these questions. Their brief essays follow.   --The Editors

NOAM CHOMSKY

THE ELECTIONS ARE LIKELY TO HAVE significant policy consequences, particularly harmful in the domestic arena, and in accelerating the "transformation of the military" that some prominent strategic analysts warn, realistically, may lead to "ultimate doom." But they tell us little about the country, though major studies of public opinion released just before the election are highly informative.

In particular, we learn that there were no elections, in any serious sense of the term. Voting patterns were similar to 2000. A small shift in preferences would have put Kerry in the White House, also telling us very little. As previously, elections were run by the PR industry. Its guiding principle is deceit. That is true in its regular vocation of undermining the fanciful markets of doctrine, in which informed consumers make rational choices. And the same practices are used when it is called upon to undermine democracy. That businesses spend vast sums to delude consumers, not inform them, is too obvious to merit comment. It is entirely natural that they should do the same when they are selling candidates, not toothpaste. And voters appear to be aware of it.

About 10 percent of voters said their choice would be based on the candidate's "agendas/ideas/platforms/goals." The rest would choose what the industry calls "qualities" and "values," the political counterpart to TV ads, with about as much relation to reality. The most careful studies reveal that voters tended to believe that the candidates shared their beliefs, even when this was demonstrably false.

Far more instructive are the virtually unreported attitudes. To illustrate, a considerable majority believe that the United States should accept the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court and the World Court, sign the Kyoto Protocols, allow the UN to take the lead in international crises (including security, reconstruction, and political transition in Iraq), rely on diplomatic and economic measures more than military ones in the "war on terror," and use force only if there is "strong evidence that the country is in imminent danger of being attacked," thus rejecting the bipartisan consensus on "pre-emptive war." Overwhelming majorities favor expansion of purely domestic programs: primarily healthcare (80 percent), but also aid to education and Social Security. And so it continues. There is little connection between public opinion and electoral practices.

The election has elicited much hopelessness and despair. The lessons should be different. There is ample opportunity for education and organizing to create--in part re-create--a functioning democratic culture in which public opinion plays some role.

Noam Chomsky's latest book is Hegemony or Survival (Owl).

MARY ROBINSON

AS AN IRISH CITIZEN LIVING IN THE UNITED STATES, my travels put me in regular contact with Americans from "red" and "blue" states alike. Most tell me the world is less secure and more divided than at any time in recent memory. They want leadership that strengthens human security at home and abroad. But many aren't convinced either Democrats or Republicans have a compelling vision of how that can be achieved.

I am encouraged by an emerging awareness among Americans that US domestic and international policies are increasingly out of sync with long-held American beliefs in fairness, opportunity and shared responsibility. Many people in this country are concerned about the millions around the globe who struggle to survive through grinding poverty. They understand that US positions are not always supportive of those in need, and send signals abroad that the most powerful nation is frequently only concerned with narrowly defined national interests. They are convinced that unless the United States plays a constructive role in promoting social and economic development for all, frustration will lead to further social unrest and political instability, threatening human security today and in the future.

The Democratic Party, as well as governments and political parties around the world, should see the election results as an opportunity to form a new movement based around shared values and shared responsibilities. The good news is that such an agenda already exists in the international human rights agenda.

That broad framework for action covers civil and political rights--to liberty, freedom of speech and religion, freedom from torture, and fair trial--all part of the best American traditions. But it includes as well economic, social and cultural rights--to food, safe water, health, education and decent work. These rights are much less familiar in the United States, yet also spring directly from American leadership under President Franklin Roosevelt, who said all people should be guaranteed freedom from fear as well as freedom from want.

If we hope to address problems of injustice and despair that incubate the indiscriminate rage and violence we see around the world today, problems which have widened the divides between rich and poor, secular and religious, we should renew our commitment to making human rights a reality for all.

Mary Robinson, former president of Ireland and UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, is executive director of Realizing Rights: The Ethical Globalization Initiative.

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