The defeat of John Kerry, combined with the Republican advances in the House and Senate, has unleashed waves of dismay and perplexity within liberal and progressive circles. What happened? Why did so many voters embrace a President whose Iraq policy was paved with lies and deceptions, who has shown contempt for science, the rule of law and many of the principles of the Enlightenment, and whose economic policies favor the rich at the expense of the vast majority of Americans? What lessons do we draw from Kerry's failure to win over the electorate in spite of the Bush Administration's conspicuous failures? Are the Democrats crippled, or merely wounded, and is the party really out of touch with "mainstream" values? Finally, what should the priorities of the progressive movement be in this era of Republican dominance, and what is the best formula for future electoral success? The Nation asked some of the country's leading political activists and intellectuals for their thoughts on one or more of these questions. Their brief essays follow.   --The Editors

BERTHA LEWIS & br /> BOB MASTER

IN A TIME OF WAR AND INSECURITY, Karl Rove made Kerry unacceptable even to voters who repeatedly expressed a loss of confidence in the President. The Republicans systematically undermined Kerry's life story (Swift Vets) and personal integrity ($87 billion flip-flop), while creating a politicized climate of fear with single-minded purpose.

By contrast, Kerry and the Democrats could not make Bush's own life story (inexperienced rich kid, chickenhawk) a part of the picture, were unable to convincingly tap into resentment of corporate rip-offs (Enron et al. never became an issue) and simply could not make the case that Bush is recruiting terrorists, not defeating them.

We are not naïve. This defeat was a major setback. But it is time to neither panic nor despair. As the Democratic experience of 1964 demonstrates, even a massive mandate can turn to dust in a matter of years as events unfold. Bush's so-called mandate doesn't come close to the LBJ vote of '64. Indeed, Bush can claim little mandate beyond having successfully discredited his opponent.

Here in New York, we can use our blue-state haven as a laboratory to grow new alternative policies. Over the next few years, we can help elect a progressive governor and work with him or her to develop effective public programs that truly address the needs of working men and women--for jobs, healthcare, childcare and good schools.

We believe the experience of the Working Families Party provides a source of hope. From its modest inception six years ago, the WFP has developed into a class-conscious, multiracial, competent vehicle for progressive values. We are on the verge of raising the state minimum wage; the party won a district attorney race in Albany County that could help break the logjam on the Rockefeller drug laws; and candidates for offices from county legislator to governor regularly beat a path to our door.

We are testing Justice Brandeis's thesis of the states as laboratories. Our experiment with fusion voting--New York's unique system of multiple ballot lines and cross endorsement--has proved that it is an effective tool for building power for people who are neither wealthy nor well-connected. Through fusion, the Working Families Party provides the margin of victory in race after race across the state, getting votes from the right, left and apathetic center. A similar party has begun to grow in Connecticut. The WFP looks forward to replicating our experiment in other states where fusion is legal or may become so in the near future.

Bertha Lewis of ACORN and Bob Master of the CWA serve as co-chairs of the Working Families Party (http:www.workingfamiliesparty.org).

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