Humanitarian Intervention: A Forum (Page 7)

Eric Rouleau

In principle, who could oppose a humanitarian intervention, especially if it is a question of preventing genocide or crimes against humanity? Yet the UN Charter bars interference in the internal affairs of member states. This provision was introduced by the founders of the international organization for two main reasons: first, to respect the sovereignty of member states, and second--and more important--to maintain world peace. The Charter's authors did not want to provide states, or groups of states, with a pretext to intervene for inevitably self-serving motives. Hence the absolute necessity that any humanitarian intervention be approved beforehand by the Security Council.

The unipolar world in which we now live has disrupted the agreed-upon rules. The United States has taken it upon itself to designate--very selectively--the guilty, and to intervene with or without UN approval. American notions of unilateralism, preventive wars and military interventions for the purpose of "regime change"--whether to install democracy or any other system--run counter to the very foundations of international legitimacy.

Even assuming the purity of US motives, one cannot help but notice that its list of "rogue states" does not include any pro-Western nations, some of which would certainly qualify as "evil" if the same criteria were applied to all. One might also note that democracy is not an exportable commodity, especially by violence. Indeed, it would be easy enough for the international community, if it so desired, to take concrete measures to encourage states to democratize, either by imposing sanctions or--preferably--by offering a variety of incentives.

The military intervention against Serbia to "liberate" Kosovo, under the auspices of NATO (instead of the UN), constituted a dangerous precedent, whatever the humanitarian justifications. There were other ways to protect the Kosovars without resorting to war, which the belligerent powers, citing half-truths and distortions, chose to ignore. Today a number of NATO members, especially France, are no longer prepared to follow the United States blindly down this slippery slope.

The United States is now facing a credibility crisis of unprecedented proportions. The main arguments advanced to justify the invasion of Iraq have all turned out to be ill founded, and it is more than doubtful that "democracy"--even as interpreted by the Pentagon hawks--will be instituted. In fact, there are indications that the United States is seeking to make Iraq a satellite, to establish military bases, to control the oil resources and to award itself fabulous contracts for reconstruction, in anticipation of consolidating its hegemony over the Middle East.

Imperialism, be it American or European, past or present, does not differ fundamentally. Certainly it is never in its essence humanitarian. That is why the world must continue to support the role of the UN Security Council in determining whether or not an intervention is legitimate.

Eric Rouleau is a writer and former French ambassador to Tunisia and Turkey.

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