The American Creed (Page 2)

By Forrest Church

This article appeared in the September 16, 2002 edition of The Nation.

August 29, 2002

The word "creed" sounds forbidding and ecclesiastical. The American Creed is neither, but it is steadfast in its principles and enduring enough to redeem the nation's history whenever we stray from their course. Capturing the essence of the American experiment, the American Creed affirms those truths our Founders held self-evident: justice for all, because we are all created equal; and liberty for all, because we are all endowed by the Creator with certain inalienable rights. America's fidelity to this creed is judged by history. Living up to it remains a constant challenge. But it invests our nation with spiritual purpose and--if we honor its precepts--a moral destiny.

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As understood by Lincoln, King and many others, America is a union of faith and freedom, in which faith elevates freedom and freedom tempers faith. The American Creed doesn't impose parochial faith upon its citizens but protects freedom, including freedom of religion, by invoking a more universal authority. Though employing the language of faith, it transcends religious particulars, uniting all citizens in a single covenant. It treats believer and atheist alike, offering each the same protections, securing freedom both of and from religion. Equally important, it protects freedom from itself, tempering excesses of individual license by postulating a higher moral code. In America, faith and freedom wed to form a union greater than either alone is capable of sustaining.

Most Americans perceive no fundamental conflict between the practice of their own individual religious belief and the latitude given to their neighbors to practice theirs. At our best, we celebrate both what sets us apart (specific doctrinal convictions) and what holds us together (a common faith). Fundamentalists of the right and left struggle more than the average citizen with such ambiguity. Respectively seeking to expand the compass of their piety or to remove every vestige of it from the public square, they shape the national debate both on church and state, and on religion and politics. Negative images of each other, advocates for a Christian or a secularist vision of America alike misread the Founders' script.

As an "ism," secularism suggests a rejection of or hostility toward religion. Taken in this sense, it dates from the French, not the American, Revolution. If ours is explicitly not a Christian nation, it is nonetheless built on a foundation of belief, not on a foundation of skepticism. That church and state are separate in America, to the signal advantage of both, is an expression, not a rejection, of this belief. "Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education," George Washington once wrote, "reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle." Washington, who mentions Christ not once in the twenty volumes of his collected papers, alludes here not to the saving virtues of any specific dogma but to the highest attributes with which we are endowed at birth by the Creator.

In the first sentence of the Declaration of Independence, "the separate and equal station" to which free people are entitled is guaranteed by "the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God." According to the Founders, the rights with which we are endowed by nature are inalienable. Laws may abridge them, but such laws are without higher sanction. Dating back to the Greeks and emerging as the centerpiece of Enlightenment science and philosophy, natural law is read from the script of the Creation, which trumps all lesser revelations. To Jefferson, nature's laws were self-evident--a late substitution in the Declaration of Independence for "sacred and undeniable." And the rights they confirmed were inalienable (the original "inherent and inalienable" considered a redundancy). Its primary draftsman, Jefferson described the Declaration of Independence as "an expression of the American mind"--"the genuine effusion of the soul of our country." Its preamble stands as a summation of our aspirations as a people. What is more, it accomplishes this with conscious intent. It proclaims itself to be the American Creed.

None of Jefferson's propositions are original, but in 1776, when placed in the context of all previous government charters, Jefferson's "self-evident" truths were unique in the history of statecraft. Never before had a government limited or bound itself in such a manner, or established itself on so republican and egalitarian a footing. The divine (or, if you would prefer, natural) authority for human laws is invoked in a strikingly novel way. "Equal and exact justice to all...of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political...should be the creed of our political faith," Jefferson stated in his first inaugural address. "And should we wander from [these principles] in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety."

About Forrest Church

Forrest Church is senior minister of All Souls Unitarian Church in New York City. His most recent book is The American Creed: A Spiritual and Patriotic Primer. more...
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