Tort Reform for Wall Street
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Waiting for 'The Big One'
William Greider: Nobody knows if the current financial crisis could become the type of economic unraveling that makes history.
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Church of Free Trade's Apostates
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The Establishment Rethinks Globalization
William Greider: An unlikely dissident has proposed a new way to understand, and reform, the world economy.
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Stockman's Folly
William Greider: After all these years, will Reagan's budget chief go to jail for cooking the books?
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Senator Inevitable
William Greider: Nothing personal, but Hillary Clinton is a candidate of the past.
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EPI's Agenda for Change
William Greider: Americans are ready for big, bold ideas to heal our social and economic wounds.
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A Globalization Offensive
William Greider: In 2007 Congress may get real on the fallacies and contradictions of global trade.
On one level, the legislation was quite ineffective. Investor lawsuits declined for a year or two, but have since exploded. That is because corporate fraud exploded too. The corporate settlements run into the hundreds of millions, even reaching low billions. On another level, the PSLRA produced perverse unintended consequences--actually stimulating the fraudulent behavior. Corporate auditors and executives were evidently convinced the new law insulated them from legal liability. "The PSLRA encouraged securities fraud because it made it much more difficult for defrauded investors to hold the perpetrators responsible," Lerach wrote. Objective observers agree. Richard Walker of the SEC: "The current increase in financial fraud...is partially attributable to court rulings limiting corporate liability for financial fraud and the [PSLRA]." Harvey Goldschmid, former SEC general counsel: "Now that many of the more grandiose projections of the 1990s have fizzled, some people are wondering whether Congress gave Silicon Valley a little too much protection."
Meanwhile, Milberg Weiss is booming, despite the snares set for it by Congress, and handles 70 percent of the investor-fraud cases, according to Lerach. Indeed, Congress may have inadvertently helped the firm attract a better class of plaintiffs. The PSLRA empowers a "lead plaintiff" with substantial holdings to take control of the case instead of entrepreneurial lawyers. Lerach is now suing Enron, and the lead plaintiff is the University of California Regents, with a $55 billion investment portfolio (and $144 million in Enron losses). The real losers in this scandal, aside from mom-and-pop investors, are the mammoth pension funds holding the savings of working Americans.
While the PSLRA was enacted over Clinton's veto, don't get the impression that the former President was standing with the folks on most of these issues. Clinton pushed through the repeal of the Glass-Steagall Act, enabling Citigroup, J.P. Morgan Chase and others to form the mega-conglomerates that financed Enron and other disasters. Clinton's leadership also insured that financial derivatives remain an unregulated time bomb at the center of the banking system.
In 1998, when Long Term Capital Management collapsed from its out-of-control derivatives speculation, three or four of the largest banks and brokerages were threatened. Brooksley Born, chair of the Commodity Futures Trading Commission, announced plans to tighten derivatives regulation as a safeguard against a larger crisis. That's not what Wall Street banks or the Chicago commodities exchange had in mind, and they swiftly buried their historic differences. Born was stomped, quite publicly, by Treasury Secretary Rubin, Fed chairman Alan Greenspan and SEC chairman Levitt. She resigned. Congress enacted the Commodity Futures Modernization Act of 2000, which, as you might expect, went in the opposite direction. Enron and other derivatives players were relieved of genuine accountability, freed to work their money-making magic in obscure financial transactions that are a danger still ticking.
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