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Sabotaging Obamacare Is a Lucrative Endeavor for Some


Senator Ted Cruz, R-Texas, greets supporters after addressing thousands of tea party activists at the U.S. Capitol. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

To gain steam for his initiative to tie funding of the government to defunding Obamacare, Senator Ted Cruz appeared at events over the summer with the Tea Party Express, a political action committee. “Either continue funding the government without giving one more dime to Obamacare, or shut down the government,” demands Tea Party Express chair Amy Kremer.

The Tea Party Express, in turn, has sponsored fundraising drives to help “elect more leaders like Ted Cruz.”

One problem for Cruz-acolytes hoping to make their way into office? The Tea Party Express PAC has spent nearly every dollar of the $2.1 million it has raised this year on campaign consultants and fundraising fees, but not a dime in transfers to candidates or on independent expenditures. In previous years, the PAC has funneled much of its proceeds to Russo Marsh and Rogers, a Republican consulting firm in Sacramento, California.

The frantic crusade to screw up the launch of the Affordable Care Act is a sad tale in American politics. If conservatives are successful, even with a short-term government shutdown Cruz and his House GOP allies might achieve, patients will suffer. If young people fail to sign up for health insurance—the stated goal of one Koch-backed front group now airing television advertisements—more will drown under crushing debt if they find themselves in need of serious medical care. But Washington, DC, has a bizarre way of incentivizing harmful behavior, and the sabotage Obamacare campaign is not without its winners.

A set of campaign consultants and insurance agents stand to profit from confusing Americans on the eve of the healthcare reform enrollment date.

The conservative media frenzy over the defunding debate has invigorated donors to many PACs, not just Tea Party Express. The Senate Conservative Fund PAC recorded its largest-ever fundraising hauls last month, though it spends way more on candidates and on candidate ads than the Tea Party Express. Still, the Jim DeMint–linked PAC expended nearly half its coffers on administrative, research and fundraising payments this year. FreedomWorks, the RNC and the Club for Growth have hopped on the Cruz campaign to raise funds by advocating the repeal of Obamacare. For a non-federal election year, at least these PACs are doing well.

The rigid anti–healthcare reform politics of the Koch brothers is also having a stimulative effect upon a small circle of Republican consultants. Americans for Prosperity, the largest Koch-owned front, pays the traditional 15 percent commission rate on all their television buys—the latest round going to Target Enterprises, a Sherman Oaks, California-based GOP media company. And with a seemingly endless appetite for anti-Obamacare paid media and anti-Obamacare grassroots organizers, Koch makes good on its claim of being a stellar job-creator, at least for jobs in right-wing political advocacy.

The New York Times rightfully notes in an editorial that many other conservative advocacy groups, like the National Liberty Federation, have latched onto the Obamacare fight, viewing the healthcare reform debate as little more than opportunity to raise a few bucks.

The second and less noticed benefactor of some of the more malicious attacks upon healthcare reform are health insurance brokers. Health insurance brokers make a living by selling health insurance and collecting a commission for every person or group they enroll. With healthcare reform set to provide easy access to health insurance options, free of charge, many in the health insurance agent industry view the Obamacare rollout as a death sentence. In recent months, the broker industry has mobilized to erect obstacles for the dozens of community group “navigators,” organizations tapped to spread the word about how to enroll in the exchanges.

In Georgia, under influence from health insurance agent lobbyists, the state passed a law that prohibits navigators from providing advice “concerning the benefits, terms, and features of a particular health benefit plan.” Other states have thrown up licensing laws in an effort to curtail navigators from being able to do, well, anything.

The Center for Public Integrity’s Nicholas Kusnetz has done some of the most interesting investigative reporting on this side of the story, revealing that the Independent Insurance Agents and Brokers of America and the National Association of Health Underwriters have orchestrated a multi-pronged attack on Affordable Care Act navigators. The industry, which has secured anti-navigator laws in sixteen states, has poured some $7.5 million into state campaigns since 2010.

While brokers claim they seek only to ensure patients are not scammed by “unlicensed” navigators, in reality, blocking competition seems to be the primary motivation. Last month, the Independent Insurance Agents and Brokers of America released a statement endorsing an effort by Congresswoman Cathy McMorris-Rodgers (R-WA) to repeal all of the funding for the navigators programs. Notes from a lobbying association for insurance agents in California warned brokers before a visit to Sacramento: “If we don’t [lobby lawmakers] they will not think it will matter that much when they allow the unlicensed “navigators” to solicit your book of business!!”

Several community groups that had signed up to participate in the navigators program have now backed out, citing political pressure from Republican politicians. The House Oversight Committee, led by Congressman Darrell Issa (R-CA), and Republican attorneys general have harassed several navigator groups with lengthy questionnaires and other demands.

Some anti–healthcare reform activists are truly motivated by their convictions. But others stand to gain financially from making sure their fellow Americans have problems signing up for health insurance.

Congress Renews Efforts to Curb NSA Surveillance


Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy, D-VT, at a panel on Wednesday, July 31, 2013, where top Obama administration officials were questioned about the National Security Agency’s surveillance programs. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

These days it’s difficult to imagine Congress’s return to the business of governance. Still, several lawmakers have refocused their attention on the National Security Agency’s surveillance practices, suggesting that the resolve to reform did not die down during the August recess or the crises that followed. At least a dozen bills aimed at the NSA’s spying powers are pending in Congress, and key committees will hold hearings in the next two weeks.

Senator Patrick Leahy spoke forcefully today at Georgetown University Law Center about the need to curb the reach of the NSA and to reconsider the structure of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) that authorizes the agency’s spying requests. “The Section 215 bulk collection of Americans’ phone records must end,” said Leahy, the top Democrat on the Judiciary Committee, which is responsible for marking up several of the bills. “The government has not made its case that this is an effective counterterrorism tool, especially in light of the intrusion on Americans’ privacy rights.”

On Monday, Leahy and a bipartisan group of eight other senators sent a letter to the intelligence community’s inspector general requesting a “full accounting” of the government’s surveillance practices between 2010 and 2013, particularly in regards to US citizens. Leahy has already introduced legislation that would revise Section 215 of the Patriot Act to raise the standard required of the government to justify the collection of data in a terrorism investigation. Leahy’s bill would also increase transparency, public reporting, and inspector general oversight.

Democratic Senators Mark Udall and Ron Wyden have also introduced legislation targeting Section 215, as have House Democrat John Conyers and Republican Justin Amash. A proposal from New Jersey Democrat Rush Holt goes even further, repealing the entire Patriot Act and the 2008 amendments to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) that give the NSA its sweeping reach.

Limiting the NSA’s surveillance authority will only be meaningful if the court charged with interpreting those laws is strengthened, something that Leahy pointed to in his remarks. “I am convinced the system set up in the 1970s to regulate the surveillance capabilities of our intelligence community is no longer working,” Leahy said in reference to FISC, the secret court created after the passage of FISA in 1978 to address widespread domestic spying by the NSA, CIA and FBI, which was exposed in a series of congressional investigations by a group of senators known as the Church Committee.

Several of that committee’s key participants, including former Vice President and Senator Walter Mondale and former Senator Gary Hart, also spoke at Georgetown on Tuesday, providing a historical perspective on the court they said has drifted from its original intent in a dangerous way. These lawmakers expected the court to halt warrantless wiretapping and other illegal practices by authorizing only legitimate requests, while meeting the state’s need for secrecy. But recent revelations about the unprecedented scope of domestic information-gathering, and the fact that the court has approved virtually all of the requests for authorization brought before it, suggest that the court has not served as a meaningful check.

Instead, as Leahy argued, the technological changes that have vastly altered the intelligence landscape have also expanded the court’s role in unintended ways. “These judges are now rendering complex constitutional decisions about massive surveillance programs that have major implications for Americans’ privacy. They are conducting oversight of highly technical programs that even the agency running them apparently did not understand and certainly did not accurately explain to the court,” Leahy said.

Moreover, as Leahy noted, the court is creating a secret body of law to govern current and future intelligence practices. “I don’t think any of us anticipated that that same court, protected from any outside interference at all, operating in secret…would have the authority to declare law that the intelligence agencies could then use to justify what they’re doing.“ said Mondale, who said Congress should consider how legislation could bring the court back within its intended, more limited role.

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Another weakness in the FISC structure is the absence of an advocate to challenge the government before the court. “I sort of assumed, without precedent, that a FISA judge would represent the public interest and the Fourth Amendment,” Hart said. “At the very least this 99-plus percent positive rulings for warrants suggests that the law ought to be amended so that there is an…advocate for the Fourth Amendment to make the other side of the argument.” That idea has purchase with lawmakers: Senator Richard Blumenthal authored a bill installing independent attorneys on the court to argue on behalf of civil liberties, and California Democrat Adam Schiff introduced similar legislation in the House last week. (My colleague George Zornick spoke to Schiff about his bill in July.)

Other reforms pointed to by former Church Committee members include making the court’s opinions public, and changing the process by which FISC judges are chosen. Currently, the chief justice of the Supreme Court appoints judges to seven-year terms with no congressional oversight. John Roberts’ appointments have been almost exclusively Republican. Under another bill put forward by Senator Blumenthal, the Chief Justice would select from a pool of judges nominated by each of the federal circuits. Schiff wrote a bill reforming the nomination process so that it requires presidential appointment and Senate confirmation, and yet another to increase transparency (with a major national security loophole). Because FISC does not have oversight over the NSA’s adherence to its rulings, boosting the role of the inspector general is also critical for enforcing any new legislation.

One of the greatest lessons to be drawn from the Church Committee is of the significant role Congress can play in investigating and challenging abuses of civil liberties by the government. While the committee’s tangible legacy was the laws that, for a while at least, curtailed domestic spying, it was the information made public through exhaustive hearings that made legislative action possible. These revelations were not about only domestic spying but also the assassination of foreign leaders and other shocking examples of executive overreach. Whether Congress will crack down on the intelligence community is one question; whether it will make room for a broader debate about the power of America’s surveillance state is another matter entirely.

Bob Dreyfuss on Obama’s UN speech and American interventionalism.

Stand Up for Toni Morrison During Banned Books Week


Author Toni Morrison (AP Photo/Kathy Willens)

Toni Morrison’s debut novel The Bluest Eye is a widely acknowledged masterpiece. Its literary reputation, however, has done little to placate wannabe censors who have tried to discredit and even ban the book from schools, citing depictions of incest and child molestation as “pornographic” and “totally inappropriate” for students.

Last week, the novel came under fire in Morrison’s home state of Ohio. At a board meeting on September 10, 2013, Ohio Board of Education President Debe Terhar criticized The Bluest Eye as “pornographic” and called for its removal from state teaching guidelines for high school students. Terhar was outraged by the inclusion of the book on the new Federal Common Core Standard’s recommended reading list for eleventh graders. “I don’t want my grandchildren reading it, and I don’t want anyone else’s children reading it,” Terhar said at the board meeting. Board member Mark Smith doubled-down on Terhar’s intolerance, calling the novel part of “an underlying socialist-communist agenda.”

The fact is that The Bluest Eye is an unflinching look at racism and sexual violence, written by an Ohio native who has won the Pulitzer Prize, the Nobel Prize and the Presidential Medal of Freedom (not to mention being a member of The Nation’s editorial board!).

In real-life America, an estimated 207,754 women are sexually assaulted annually, a full 44 percent of whom are under the age of 18. This pervasive sexual violence is reality for tens of thousands of students, a reality the Ohio Board of Ed is looking to whitewash with this latest censorship drive.

Last week, the American Civil Liberties Union sent a letter to Terhar, challenging her argument that Morrison’s novel is “pornographic.” Instead of banning the book, the advocacy organization suggested that Ohio schools “use controversial literature as an opportunity to improve students’ critical thinking skills and to create open dialogue between students and the community.”

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That’s a good suggestion, one of which we should be especially mindful during Banned Books Week, which started this past Sunday and runs through the weekend. Banned Books Week was launched in 1982 in response to a sudden surge in the number of challenges to books in schools, bookstores and libraries. More than 11,300 books have been challenged since 1982, and, according to the American Library Association, there were 464 challenges reported to the Office of Intellectual Freedom in 2012, and many more go unreported.

In addition to a Virtual Read-Out, hundreds of Banned Books events are taking place this week coast to coast at bookstores, libraries, schools, community centers, parks and other public spaces. Find an event near you and join The Nation and the ACLU in standing up for Toni Morrison and telling Ohio Board of Education President Debe Terhar to please stop promoting the censorship of valuable works of literature.

Defunding Gambit Will Hurt Patients in Boehner’s District


Speaker John Boehner and Republican representatives rally after passing a bill that would prevent a government shutdown while crippling the healthcare law. (AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

Last week, TheNation.com noted that the decision by House Republicans to tie funding for the government to an effort to defund the Affordable Care Act would not likely result in President Obama signing a budget bill that undercuts his signature accomplishment. But the effort could lead to a government shutdown, which would cut off funding to a portion of healthcare reform through what is known as discretionary funding.

Affordable Care Act discretionary funding provides money to federal health clinics, school-based health centers and other programs that provide care to those without access to health coverage. A round up of these programs can be found in this CRS report, and pictures of Republican lawmakers celebrating Affordable Care Act–funded health clinics can be found here.

If Speaker John Boehner ends up shutting down the federal government to score political point against Obamacare, he will also be inflicting pain on his own constituents. Nation intern Nicolas Niarchos spoke to a number of health clinics that will lose funding if the federal government shuts down.

The Butler County Community Health Consortium, a Middleton, Ohio, health center that is in Boehner’s district, said that without ACA funding, it will be unable to hire outreach staff to provide preventive care, including immunizations, screening women for cervical cancer and general checkups. “The issue is that many of the poor wait until something is really wrong until they seek healthcare,” explained Peggy Vazquez, the consortium’s director of clinical operations.

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Stephen Schilling, the CEO of Clinica Siera Vista, says a loss of ACA funding would make it difficult to continue outreach programs. “We could last for a few weeks, but would eventually have to start winding down care to almost 200,000 people,” Schilling told Niarchos via e-mail. Schilling’s district is represented by Congressman Kevin McCarthy, the House Republican whip helping Boehner drive the government-shutdown strategy.

While political strategists on both sides are sizing up the prospects of a government shutdown, and how it will affect the midterm elections and the presidential campaign prospects of proponents like Senator Ted Cruz, patients needing healthcare are caught in the fray.

“My personal thoughts are that the politicians are not looking at the real problem. They’re causing more trouble for the working poor,” said Vazquez over the telephone. “Republicans and Democrats need to start thinking about the people who put them into power.”

In other Ohio news, Peter Rothberg says we have to stand up for Toni Morrison, whose book is under fire there.

Urgent, Unheard Stories


Jesmyn Ward, winner of the National Book Award for Fiction for her book “Salvage the Bones,” poses for photographs at the National Book Awards on Wednesday, November 16, 2011 in New York. (AP Photo/Tina Fineberg)

I gave a reading at Kansas State University last week and during the Q & A session, a young woman asked how I feel about the label “black woman writer.” I said, “Well, I am black, and a woman and a writer, so I’m fine with that label.” I understood what she was getting at though. Women writers and writers of color don’t really have the luxury of being known simply as writers. There’s always a qualification.

Earlier this year, Wikipedia editors began moving women novelists from the American Novelists category to the American Women Novelists subcategory. It was a strange move and one that met, as you might expect, with a great deal of resistance. It felt like segregation. It was an infuriating qualification of where certain writers belong in the public sphere.

In my early 20s, when I was first coming into myself as a writer, I was adamantly a writer. I was not a black writer or a woman writer. I did not want to be pigeonholed or backed into a corner by certain labels. I still don’t. My first novel, out next year, is about a Haitian-American woman who is kidnapped in Port au Prince, but the three novels I’m currently working on are quite different. One is a YA novel about a transformative year in a girl’s life. Another is magic realism, for lack of a better description, about a miner, so tired of the darkness, that he flies an air machine into the sun, shrouding the world in darkness. The third is about a woman who has an unbreakable bond with the daughter she was forced to bear as surrogate for her sister-in-law and how she schemes to get her child back.

Are these the novels of a writer or a black woman writer? Does it matter?

Labels are troubling, but we love them. We love categorizing and naming things. There is comfort in knowing where things stand, but it is uncomfortable to feel like you can only stand in one place. What the hell is a “writer of color,” anyway? Sometimes these words feel like they mean so little. When I read I don’t think about a writer’s identity. I lose myself in beautiful arrangements of words and ideas. I lose myself in story and verse. When we call for a more diverse literary conversation, we simply want to see more of an acknowledgment of the diversity of writers who are beautifully arranging words and ideas. We are many. We are everywhere.

I have, as of late, kept an eye on the Penguin imprint Riverhead’s list. In the past few years, they’ve published Danielle Evans, Najla Said, Mohsin Hamid, Khaled Hosseini, James McBride, Catherine Chung, Dina Nayeri and many others. When I asked Riverhead how they create such a diverse list, director of publicity Jynne Dilling Martin said:

I think the diversity on the Riverhead list comes out of our editorial team’s genuine curiosity and hunger for great new stories. We aren’t doing it “by the numbers” but responding to the electricity of new perspectives that aren’t treading the same worn paths we’ve been reading for decades. And because our Riverhead list is so small—just about thirty books a year—our team approaches publishing each book in a curatorial and hand-crafted way, so that our writers don’t feel like representatives [of their nationality or ethnicity], but like individuals with a unique perspective and an urgent, unheard story to tell.

This attitude is refreshing. Rather than thinking about diversity as this vague yet complicated notion, I like the idea of looking for urgent, unheard stories. This fall, many such stories abound from writers of color.

In The Men We Reaped, Jesmyn Ward chronicles the lives and deaths of five young men in her life, including her brother, Joshua Adam Dedeaux. The Men We Reaped uses a powerful structure—chapters about Ward’s childhood are interspersed with chapters about each of the five men Ward lost, beginning with Roger Eric Daniels III, who died in 2004, and ending with the passing of Joshua Adam Dedeaux in 2000. The Men We Reaped is not merely a memoir of grief; this book reads like an open wound.

The words carry a furious sorrow about how race and rural poverty can conspire to limit young black lives. The writing is strongest when Ward recounts her childhood and what she knows of her parents—how they came together, how they fell apart. Of her mother, Ward writes, “She resented the strength she had to cultivate, the endurance demanded of women in the rural South.” This demanded endurance of women in the rural South is one I would have liked to see more explicitly explored. So much of this memoir focuses, understandably, on the lives of young black men cut short, but not enough attention is given to the women who mourn the men they reaped. Though these women stand at the margins of this memoir, it is clear that their stories are as urgent and necessary as the men whose lives and deaths have been so finely chronicled.

The high-rise public housing projects of Chicago have long carried their own myths. In High Rise Stories: Voices from Chicago Public Housing, Audrey Petty, who grew up on Chicago’s South Side during the 1980s, has edited and compiled the stories of twelve former residents of the demolished projects, torn down as part of a redevelopment project that has not been nearly as successful as was envisioned. The neglect of Chicago public housing has only continued. “Defunded by city, state, and federal governments over the course of the 1970s forward, high rise public housing was chronically neglected and mismanaged…. These problems were compounded by ongoing crises that occasionally made the nightly news: rampant gang drug dealing, turf wars, and gun violence.” This neglected, violence-ridden place is the one most people imagine when they think of the high-rise projects, but families, actual people lived in those buildings. In this volume, we get to hear their stories. As a whole, the collection is gripping, and nuanced and unexpectedly moving.

Dolores Wilson lived in Cabrini Green for fifty-three years with her husband and children. Though there was violence (“Snipers were a problem for many years”) there was also a vibrant community. Her husband coached basketball and baseball teams. There was a drum-and-bugle corps, and well-organized building councils that did their best to fight the violence and governmental neglect. Her family not only lived in Cabrini Green, they thrived. Eddie Leman lived with his mother in Robert Taylor Homes. In his conversation with Petty, he talked about the dangerous elevators, and his having to keep up his home because his mother was a drug addict. He made it out of the projects and joined the Marines. When he left the military, he started working in mental health, noting, “Living in Robert Taylor, you’re under a lot of stress and you learn to adapt, but there are people you get to know who have their own difficulties and sometimes the pressure is too much…. By the time I started therapeutic work, I had pretty much run across mental illness already.” Leman also worked as a sheriff, did well, but life has a way of getting in the way. He was involved in a theft in 2003 and was sentenced to seven years in prison. These days, Leman is in graduate school, working, raising a family, and all he wants is to live “anywhere I don’t have to watch my back. It’s been so long since I relaxed.” Each of the twelve stories in High Rise Stories reveals the simplicity of what so many people want and are denied.

Milk & Filth, by Carmen Giménez Smithm, is a sharp, feminist manifesto by way of poetry collection. Or that’s how I read it. We bring what we bring to the reading experience. In “Your Data is Political,” Giménez Smith takes on the way we mediate our lives online: “Your presence rises from scavenging: pages and words and webs/and signs. You’ve become a target but without the old spy gadgets.” These poems are political and personal in the same breath. She takes on motherhood and cultural expectations placed upon women and what we consume and how what we consume shapes us. These are not poems that try to make the reader comfortable. They are uniformly challenging, at times guttural in tone and always fiercely intelligent.

One of the great joys of reading is finding books that detail experiences not often seen in mainstream literature. Fairytales for Lost Children by Diriye Osman is a raw collection of short stories about the queer Somali experience. These are often stories about exile from family, from country, from sanity, from self. Osman works well within the fairytale tradition. He uses patois and slang and rhythmic cadence to tell these stories in the only language they can be told. Though the collection would benefit from a more rigorous edit, the power of these stories is undeniable.

It’s hard to know what to say about White Girls, by Hilton Als. These essays defy categorization. They are unwieldy, and meandering and as self-indulgent as they are intriguing. In the first, “Tristes Tropiques,” Als ruminates on his significant relationships with men, and their relationships with men, and the performance of friendship and interracial and intraracial dynamics. Of his friendship with SL, he says, “In short, we were not your standard Negro story, or usual Negro story. We did not feel isolated because we were colored. We did not want to join the larger world through violence or manipulation. We were not interested in the sentimental tale that’s attached itself to the Negro male body by now: the embodiment of isolation. We had each other, another kind of story worth telling.” That might describe this entire collection—not your standard Negro story. Als not only looks inward. His essays discuss Truman Capote, Flannery O’Connor, Michael Jackson and much more. As a whole, the book is an interrogation of blackness and white womanhood. The prose is both intelligent and inscrutable. The essay “Gone With the Wind” is a masterpiece. This was a book I hated as much as I loved it for the incisive cultural criticism that has made me question nearly everything.

Another exciting new essay collection is Meaty, by Samantha Irby. She is well-known throughout Chicago as a blogger and comedian, so it would be easy to assume that the essays in Meaty are all for laughs. Do not make that assumption. Don’t get me wrong, you will laugh. Irby is self-deprecating, nearly to a fault. The way she sees the world is enthralling. There is nothing Irby won’t write about, from the frustrating effects of Crohn’s Disease to sex and dating and the awkwardness of having a human body in the presence of other human bodies. She writes about race but not in the way you might assume. What most impresses me about Meaty is not the humor or honesty but rather the undercurrent of sadness that runs through many of these essays and how well Irby controls that emotion. This is an unforgettable book, the kind where the author unapologetically bares her heart and asks you to hold it tenderly, with care.

For many black women, Terry McMillan has written the stories we need to hear. From Waiting to Exhale to How Stella Got Her Groove Back, McMillan has found just the right balance between writing about contemporary black women and telling a damn good story. In her latest and very charming novel, Who Asked You?, Betty Jean is taking care of her two grandsons in Los Angeles. Her husband Lee David is sick and needing full time care. Her daughter, Trinetta, is trying to get out from under the influence of drug addiction. Her son Dexter is in prison. Her sisters are all up in her business. Her best friend Tammy has her own issues and somehow, while dealing with all this, Betty Jean is also supposed to take care of herself. Who Asked You? is an unexpected character study. So much of Betty Jean’s life is dictated by the compromises she has made. If one word could describe this book, it would be “yearning,” because Betty Jean clearly wants so much for herself and the people she loves, but her sense of obligation often keeps her from reaching for more. In the end though, this novel offers hope that Betty Jean might someday get the simple things she wants and richly deserves.

The New York Review of Books has released a new edition of The Bridge of Beyond, by Simone Schwarz-Bart with an introduction by Jamaica Kincaid. When it was first released, The Bridge of Beyond was a bestseller, and it is easy to understand why. Most striking about this book is how magical the story is, even at its darkest. The Bridge of Beyond is a lush and entrancing fable about history and family and love. It is, truly, a hallmark of Caribbean literature.

You should also keep an eye out for Daniel Alarcón’s mysterious and well-crafted At Night We Walk In Circles. Paul Yoon’s slender novel Snow Hunters is exquisitely written—the kind of book that makes you think, this is the work of a writer’s writer. Tao Lin’s Taipei is not what you might expect. There is a meditative quality to the novel that held my interest and forced me to set aside my preconceived notions. Nina McConigley’s Cowboys and East Indians offers short stories that explore place, and displacement and identity that are all quite wonderful. Gabby Bess is one of my favorite young writers. I blurbed her collection, Alone With Other People, so I am biased, but her book is intimate and intelligent. The poetry and prose capture what it means to be a young woman in this digital age.

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In 2014, keep an eye out for Part of the Family? by Sheila Bapat, which looks at the rising movement to secure labor protections for domestic workers (March 2014). The Book of Unknown Americans, by Cristina Henriquez, follows a Panamanian-Mexican couple who move to the United States after their daughter’s accident so she might recover in better circumstances, only to discover that nothing is nearly as easy as they imagined in their new home (June 2014). Queen Sugar, by Natalie Baszile, a debut novel where a woman inherits a sugarcane farm in Louisiana and moves there with her daughter to try her hand at making sugar and creating a new life (February 2014). Boy, Snow, Bird, by Helen Oyeyemi, a novel where Oyeyemi once again uses myth and fairytale to tell a clever, strange story about race and the secrets of our skin (March 2014).

Amazing writing from all kinds of writers is all around us. But I keep thinking about that young woman in Manhattan, Kansas. What I also wanted to tell her is this: Don’t worry about what to call yourself as a writer. Don’t worry about what people will call you. Write urgent, unheard stories. Read urgent, unheard stories.

Read Roxane Gay’s essay on being a writer in New York City.

Obama Gives Wide-Ranging Endorsement of US Interventionism in UN Speech

(AP Photo/J. Scott Applewhite)

President Obama broke no new ground in his United Nations speech today, a speech devoted almost entirely to problems in and around the Middle East: Syria, Iran, the Israel-Palestine conflict, the Arab Spring and Egypt, terrorism, and US intervention policy. Repeatedly, however, Obama seemed intent on justifying US military inteventionism in world conflicts.

That he broke no new ground is not an encouraging development. He asked a lot of rhetorical questions:

The crisis in Syria and the destabilization of the region goes to the heart of broader challenges that the international community must now confront. How should we respond to conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa? Conflicts between countries, but also conflicts within them. How do we address the choice of standing callously by while children are subjected to nerve gas, but we’re embroiling ourselves in someone else’s civil war?

What’s the role of force in resolving disputes that threaten the stability of the region and undermine all basic standards of civilized conduct? And what’s the role of the United Nations and international law in meeting cries for justice?

But his answers, framed against his attempts at justifying his own recent decision to bomb Syria, were less than satisfactory. Seeming to defer repeatedly to the liberal-interventionist views of his new UN ambassador, Samantha Power, Obama appeared to be looking for reasons to justify US interventionism abroad, especially the very controversial Responsibility to Protect doctrine and the idea that every mass slaughter or set of civilian deaths borders on the sort of Rwanda-style genocide that might justify American military action.

It’s true—and we can applaud this fact—that Obama spoke out in favor of diplomacy on issues such as Syria, Iran and Palestine. That, of course, is what the United Nations is for.

Still, he issued stark endorsements of interventionism, in passages such as this one:

But [national] sovereignty cannot be a shield for tyrants to commit one murder. Or an excuse for the international community to turn a blind eye. While we need to be modest in our belief that we can remedy every evil, while we need to be mindful that the world is full of unintended consequences, should we really accept the notion that the world is powerless in the face of a Rwanda, or Srebrenica?

If that’s the world that people want to live in, they should say so, and reckon with the cold logic of mass graves.

Or this one, justifying U.S. and NATO bombing of Libya in 2011:

But does anyone truly believe that the situation in Libya would be better, if Gadhafi had been allowed to kill, imprison or brutalize his people into submission?

Or, especially, this one:

There will be times when the breakdown of societies is so great, the violence against civilians so substantial, that the international community will be called upon to act. This will require new thinking and some very tough choices. While the United Nations was designed to prevent wars between states, increasingly we face the challenge of preventing slaughter within states.

And these challenges will grow more pronounced as we are confronted with states that are fragile or failing, places where horrendous violence can put innocent men, women and children at risk with no hope of protection from their national institutions. I’ve made it clear that even when America’s core interests are not directly threatened, we stand ready to do our part to prevent mass atrocities and protect basic human rights.

And, in case you’d forgotten the tangle of issues in the Middle East centers on the oil industry, there was this rather honest statement from President Obama:

The United States of America is prepared to use all elements of our power, including military force, to secure our core interests in the region. We will confront external aggression against our allies and partners, as we did in the Gulf War.

We will ensure the free flow of energy from the region to the world. Although America is steadily reducing our own dependence on imported oil, the world still depends on the region’s energy supply and a severe disruption could destabilize the entire global economy.

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So, there you have it. We’ll work with other countries to resolve conflicts if we can. But, “we will ensure the free flow of energy from the region” and we are “prepared to use all elements of our power, including military force, to secure our core interests.” Bingo.

Bob Dreyfuss looks into Israels attempt at blocking US-Iran negotiations.

Denby Hits Harvard for Publishing Book on Hollywood Moguls’ Aiding Nazis


Hitler and Goebbels tour a German film studio, 1935. (Courtesy of Wikimedia Commons/German National Archives)

The book was sure to be controversial, and I’ve covered its claims for months, going back to pre-publication. Now David Denby of The New Yorker, first in a book review and last night in a blog post at the magazine’s site, forcefully calls out perceived errors and omissions—and slams the hallowed Harvard University Press for publishing the opus.

The book, by Ben Urwand, is titled, The Collaboration: Hollywood’s Pact With Hitler. The title alone promises a lot (and guarantees controversy). Based on new archival research, it claims that top moguls at Hollywood studios—usually they were Jewish—made all sorts of bargains and film edits to guarantee that they would keep their share of the German film market, and gain other favors.

Some of this has been suggested by others, and some of it is no doubt true. But Denby points to what he considers gross exaggerations or even outright errors, which he demands should be pulled or corrected. (I know this era fairly well from chronicling Hollywood’s first all-out plunge into US politics in my book on Upton Sinclair’s landmark race for governor or California in 1934.)

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Read the Denby critique yourself and make up your own mind. Denby also quotes from recent Urwand interviews. Surely the authors will be responding to The New Yorker soon. The Chronicle for Higher Education covered the early controversy.   Watch the two most famous scenes in Chaplin's The Great Dictator.  Here’s Denby’s balanced conclusion:

My own wish, for whatever it’s worth, is that Louis B. Mayer, the Brothers Warner, Harry Cohn, Adolph Zukor, and the others had puffed their chests and said the following in the thirties: “To hell with Gyssling and his threats. To hell with the anti-Semitic bastards in the country who want to see us drown. To hell with the Anti-Defamation League, which is telling us we can’t do anti-Nazi pictures or pictures with Jews in them because it would call attention to ourselves. We built a magnificent entertainment business, and we’re going to make the pictures we want to make.” But they didn’t say that. They negotiated, they evaded, they censored their creative people, they hid, they schemed to preserve their business in the future. They behaved cravenly. But they did not collaborate.

I repeat: I cannot see how Harvard University Press could have published this book without some basic fact-checking and a sterner sense of intellectual relevance and organization. Something broke down here in the vetting process, and that likely includes the expert academic reader reports that Harvard University Press surely commissioned, which are meant to protect the author, the press, and the facts.

By the way, in the book we also learn that Hitler loved Laurel and Hardy and hated Tarzan.

UPDATE:  A writer who recently had a book published by another academic press sent me this note, asking me to leave off his name:

Having published a book this year with xxxxxxxxxxx, and after talking
about that experience with friends who left the University of Chicago
Press, I can tell you the norm in academic publishing is astonishingly
slipshod. No in-house editorial guidance, checking, or copy editing is
offered; staffs are overworked and underpaid, and responsible for
releasing an overwhelming amount of material, books and journals, every
quarter. One Chicago English PhD candidate told me typos and other
errors are now accepted as an internet-driven norm; that is, they are
everywhere and not considered a very big deal when weighed against a
work's overall arguments, and the wider need to publish a ton of stuff.

I doubt Harvard, despite the brand name, is at all exceptional here.


Michael Sorkin questions a recent book defending Hitler’s master architect.

The Case for Gun Liability Laws


(AP Photo/Ricardo Moraes)

Editor’s Note: Each week we cross-post an excerpt from Katrina vanden Heuvel’s column at the WashingtonPost.com. Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.

Knives. Automobiles. Cold medicine. Alcohol. Cigarettes. Coffee.

What do these items have in common?

They’re all held to a higher safety standard than firearms.

Because of product-liability law, manufacturers must equip them with proper warnings, limitations and built-in designs that enhance their safety.

If they don’t, consumers can sue them for harm caused by the product. And all consumer products manufacturers are required to ensure that their products are free of design defects and don’t threaten public safety.

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Guns, as Jonathan Lowy of the Brady Center to Prevent Gun Violence’s Legal Action Project has said, are “the only consumer product in America with no federal safety oversight.”

Firearms haven’t always been a protected class; but as the industry lost millions in lawsuits over the years, liability protection became the NRA’s holy grail.

Before 2005, the Brady Center — named for President Reagan’s press secretary James Brady, who was shot and paralyzed in a failed assassination attempt on the president — had launched multiple lawsuits around the country. Los Angeles, New York and 30 other cities, counties and states had filed civil lawsuits against gun manufacturers — including a $100 million suit against the gun industry by Bridgeport, Connecticut in 1999. The pain inflicted on negligent manufacturers was real and it was expensive. In 2003, Bryco Arms declared bankruptcy after paying $24 million in the case of a 7-year-old boy who was paralyzed by a defective gun.

Before the gun lobby successfully killed all gun control legislation, there were some key wins in the fight to hold gun manufacturers liable. Last year, the New York State appellate court ruled that a Buffalo man who was shot nearly a decade ago could sue the gun manufacturer, distributor and dealer. In January 2013, Rep. Adam Schiff introduced legislation to fight legal immunity for gun manufacturers and dealers, the Access to Justice for Victims of Gun Violence Act.

Editor’s Note: Each week we cross-post an excerpt from Katrina vanden Heuvel’s column at the WashingtonPost.com. Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.

Blaming Mass Shootings on Video Games Instead of Guns

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