Since 1865, when it was founded by abolitionists, The Nation has believed in the liberating power of truth, of conviction, of conscience, and of fighting for causes lost and found. And like our founders, The Nation has an abiding belief that there is no force so potent in politics as a moral issue.
One of the great moral figures of our country, Martin Luther King Jr. was a correspondent for The Nation in the 1960s filing annual dispatches for the magazine on the state of civil rights until his murder in 1968.
In 1967, Dr. King traveled to Los Angeles under the auspices of The Nation and The Nation Institute to give the speech that would align the armies of the Civil Rights Movement with the rapidly expanding national protest against the Vietnam War. It was at this event where Dr. King came out, courageously, eloquently and unequivocally, for the first time, against US military involvement in Southeast Asia.
Today we are once again mired in an intractable and monstrous war overseas. In his speech at The Nation event, several weeks before his famous Riverside Church address in April, 1967, ("Beyond Vietnam: A Time to Break the Silence") Dr. King painted a picture of a society 40 years ago that looks remarkably, starkly like the one we live in today. It is a moment to remember Dr. King's words about the broader casualties of war--casualties that go beyond the carnage of battle to the devastating costs of war at home. Casualties that include damage to social justice and racial equality and impose unbearable cost to free speech and dissent.
Forty years later, we are once again, as Dr. King said, "in an unthinkable position morally and politically..." Who of sane mind can look out over the current landscape in America and breathe easily? A rogue President is intent on escalating a war in the face of opposition by the people, the Congress and even most of his military.
On this anniversary, Martin Luther King, Jr would recognize the failed policies, wanton destruction, false promises and downward spiraling of America's standing in the world. He would ask us to reflect on how, when it comes to the future of our democracy, we are in the fight of our lives. And he would call on us to rise to that challenge. "A time comes when silence is betrayal," King said at the Riverside Church in 1967. Confronted by another unjust and self-destructive conflict forty years later, it is time to use all the powers at our disposal to end it, while we work to build a better nation and world.
Workers at the world's largest pork plant say they will either skip work or walk out in protest on Monday at the company's denial of their request for a day off with pay on the national holiday honoring Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
Smithfield Packing, based in Bladen County, North Carolina, is facing the possibility of its second worker walkout in two months on account of its refusal to honor what is even a North Carolina holiday at a plant with the largest concentration of African-American workers in the state.
Last Tuesday, a petition signed by thousands of workers was delivered to Smithfield Packing Vice President Larry Johnson Carolina, asking for the day off. A group of local ministers and civil rights leaders got the workers' backs in an open letter published January 10 in the Fayetteville Observer:
"Martin Luther King Jr.'s statement that 'Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere' is aptly applied to the situation at Smithfield's Tar Heel plant. We experience the abuses committed against Smithfield workers as if they are committed against us. In honor of Martin Luther King Day, we appeal to Smithfield to begin healing the wounds of over a decade of injustice towards workers and grant them a holiday to commemorate this noble leader and the cherished ideals for which he fought and died."
But Smithfield has not been moved.
It says that workers will be docked a day's pay and could be disciplined if they skip work on Monday. Given the company's history, its intransigence is not surprising. Last September, Eric Schlosser, author of Fast Food Nation, wrote in The Nation's first food issue about Smithfield's unsafe working conditions, its longstanding violations of a wide array of labor laws and its creation of "an atmosphere of intimidation and coercion" in order to prevent workers at the plant from joining the United Food and Commercial Workers union.
Sign the petition asking for recognition of the King holiday and click here to send a letter to Smithfield's CEO and Chairman asking the company to rethink unnecessarily fast line speeds, inadequate training, and dangerously thin safety precautions--and to honor the memory of Martin Luther King, Jr.. You can also call Smithfield's Tar Heel plant at 757-365-3000 or 888-366-6767.
Let Justice Roll Down
From 1961 to 1966, the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. wrote an annual essay for The Nation on the state of civil rights and race relations in America. His 1965 contribution was particularly strong. This article originally appeared in the March 15, 1965, issue. Dr. King's words, ominously ring as true today as the day they were written more than forty years ago.
"'Let Justice roll down like waters in a mighty stream,' said the Prophet Amos. He was seeking not consensus but the cleansing action of revolutionary change. America has made progress toward freedom, but measured against the goal the road ahead is still long and hard. This could be the worst possible moment for slowing down."
On January 2, there was a strange piece of news buried in a back paragraph of a front-page New York Times story by the reportorial team of David E. Sanger, Michael R. Gordon, and John F. Burns. It had the wonderful headline, "Chaos Overran Iraq Plan in '06, Bush Team Says" (as if they were just standing around, when the tsunami of chaos happened to hit…) and here was the passage:
"By May 2006, uneasy officials at the State Department and the National Security Council argued for a review of Iraq strategy. A meeting was convened at Camp David to consider those approaches, according to participants in the session, but Mr. Bush left early for a secret visit to Baghdad, where he reviewed the war plans with General Casey and Mr. Maliki, and met with the American pilot whose plane's missiles killed Iraq's Al Qaeda leader, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. He returned to Washington in a buoyant mood."
The italics are mine. And yes, the week after Abu Musab al-Zarqawi took an American missile in the teeth, the President made a visit to Baghdad, so quick and secret that even he hardly knew he was there. At the time, the American death toll had just hit 2,500. As a signal of trust, the new Iraqi prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, was given a full five-minutes notice that he was about to have the President of the United States look him "in the eye."
All of this was covered in our news, including a presidential meeting with cheering American troops and Bush's comments on his return flight--that seem as up-to-date as last night's surge speech--"I assured [the Iraqis] that we'll keep our commitment. I also made it clear to them that in order for us to keep our commitment and be successful, they themselves have to do some hard things. They themselves have to set an agenda. They themselves have to get some things accomplished." This is the sort of thing that, almost seven months later, gives you confidence that the "new way forward" is, in fact, the traditional way backward.
At a moment when the Iraqi situation was already visibly devolving into chaos, civil war, and catastrophe, that the President came home "buoyant" remains a striking detail, more so perhaps because of the fervor with which he described his own mood at the time. "I was," he claimed, "inspired."
But what was it that actually "inspired" him that week in June 2006? The death of Zarqawi certainly. The President, whose approach to his war is unnervingly personal, had built up Zarqawi's importance not just to the American public but evidently in his own mind until the man stood practically co-equal with the ever-missing Osama bin Laden. So, it may not be surprising that he would have wanted to meet the pilot whose plane's missiles killed Zarqawi--but it's still news, all these months later, and revealing news at that.
You can search the coverage of that June moment from MSNBC and the Washington Post to Fox News in vain for mention of it. All I found was this oblique reference in a presidential radio address: "…And I was honored to meet with some of our troops, including those responsible for bringing justice to the terrorist Zarqawi."
At the time, no one in the media seems to have picked up on the meeting with the pilot, although presidential doings of any sort are usually closely scrutinized. Even the White House, it appears, chose not to publicize it. So I think we have to assume that the meeting may actually have represented a private presidential desire (or, at least, the decision of someone who knew that this would give Bush special satisfaction). If so, it catches something of the character of the man who is now so ready to surge other people's sons and daughters onto the streets of Baghdad.
It's reasonable to assume that, in his heart of hearts, George Bush never really wanted to be President and, before the 9/11 attacks woke him up, many observers noted that he acted that way. On the eve of the 2001 attacks, even Republicans were griping that he wasn't into the nation's business, just the business of vacationing at the "ranch" in Crawford, Texas. One Republican congressman complained that "it was hard for Mr. Bush to get his message out if the White House lectern had a ‘Gone Fishing' sign on it."
What 9/11 seems to have awoken in him was a desire not so much to be President as to be Commander-in-Chief (or maybe sheriff). It's an urge that anyone who grew up in the darkened movie theaters of the 1950s, watching American war films and Westerns, might understand. Sooner or later, most of us, of course, left behind those thrilling screen moments in which Americans gloriously advanced to victory and the good guys did what was necessary to put the bad guys down, but my own suspicion has long been that George W. Bush did not -- and that avoiding the conflicts of the Vietnam-era helped him remain a silver-screen warrior.
In launching his Global War on Terror and the "hunt" for Osama bin Laden, the President famously said, "I want justice. And there's an old poster out West... I recall, that said, 'Wanted, Dead or Alive.'" That "old poster" was, of course, "recalled" from childhood cowboy movies, not from any West he ever experienced. Similarly, from his "Top Gun," Mission-Accomplished moment landing on the USS Abraham Lincoln to the way he kept his own "personal scorecard of the war" (little bios with accompanying photos of leading al-Qaeda figures, which he crossed out as US forces took them down), from his visible pleasure in appearing before hoo-aahing American troops wearing G.I. Joe doll-style dress-up jackets (often with "commander-in-chief" stitched across his heart) to his petulant "bring ‘em on" comment of game-playing frustration when the Iraqi insurgency wouldn't go away, it's hard not to register his childish urge for role-playing.
Every signal we have indicates that he experienced himself as, and savored finding himself in, the specific role of Commander-in-Chief, and that he has been genuinely thrilled to do commander-in-chief-like things and act in commander-in-chief-like ways, at least as once pictured in the on-screen fantasy world of his youth. Being the man who met (and congratulated) the man who shot Abu Musab al-Zarqawi certainly qualifies, even if the antiseptic act of missiling a house from a jet isn't quite the equivalent of the showdown at the OK Corral, six-gun in hand. In other words, George Bush dreams of himself in High Noon, while, in reality, he's directing a horror movie or a snuff film.
This is all so woefully infantile for the leader of the globe's last superpower. Take his response to being presented with the pistol found near Saddam Hussein when he was finally captured in his "spiderhole" in 2004. According to Time Magazine's Matthew Cooper that same year:
"Sources say that the military had the pistol mounted after the soldiers seized it from Saddam and that it was then presented to the President privately by some of the troops who played a key role in ferreting out the old tyrant. Though it was widely reported at the time that the pistol was loaded when they grabbed Saddam, Bush has told visitors that the gun was empty--and that it is still empty and safe to touch. ‘He really liked showing it off,' says a recent visitor to the White House who has seen the gun. ‘He was really proud of it.' The pistol's new place of residence is in the small study next to the Oval Office where Bush takes select visitors…"
The military knew their man--or perhaps boy; someone deeply involved not in the actual bloody carnage of Iraq, but in a fantasy Iraq War of his own imagining, a man who could still tell us last night: "We can and we will prevail" and predict "victory." This is the man who is now going to launch an "aggressive effort" to sell Congress and the American people on further madness and bloody carnage in Iraq. And this is the plan after which, according to Neil King Jr. and Greg Jaffe of the Wall Street Journal, may come the already named "nightmare scenario"--civil and regional war across the Middle East--according to some worried American officials and Arab diplomats. This is the man who holds in his hands the lives of countless Iraqis and tens of thousands of Americans about to be sent into Hell.
It's no news that George W. Bush has been living in a bubble world created by his handlers, but it's hard not to believe that his own personal "bubble" isn't far more longstanding than that. The problem, of course, is that only Mr. Bush and a few neocon stragglers are left inside the theater still showing his Iraq War movie. The Iraqis aren't there. The man who pushed the button to shoot that missile surely wasn't; nor were Zarqawi's Shiite victims; nor were the 120 or more Iraqis who died this Tuesday, including the 41 bodies found dumped throughout Baghdad and the five found scattered around Mosul; nor was Dustin Donica, the 3,000th American who died in the war; nor was Pfc. Alan R. Blohm from Kenai, Alaska. None of them could put up a "Wanted Dead or Alive" poster, cross-out the faces of the bad guys, land gloriously on an aircraft carrier, or dress up for war -- and then go home "inspired." They had the misfortune to be in a horrific reality into which a President, thoroughly in the dark, had sent them stumbling.
Now, George W. Bush is about to send even more young (and some not so young) Americans from hamlets, small towns, distant suburbs, and modest-sized cities all over America on yet another "last chance" mission. Perhaps he's even still dreaming of that moment when, in those movies of old, the Marine Corps Hymn suddenly welled up and, against all odds, our troops started forward and the enemy began to fall. But before we're done, if there's a commander he might bring to mind, it's not likely to be George Patton, but George Armstrong Custer.
What if that last chance comes to look more like a last stand? The least the President could do for the rest of us is step out of the dark of his brain, where those old films still flicker, and look around. If only…
The bottom really does seem to be falling out of US public support forthe Bush War in Iraq. Today's papers, as expertly digested by DanFroomkin here , show the degree to which a deep and increasing popular anger with thewar has been welling up among the citizenry and that is now-- finally-- starting to drive events in Congress. Note, for example, this report in today's NYT about increasing antiwar sentiment in a conservative part of Pennsylvania... or this report about the tepid response the Prez himself got from soldiers in Fort Benning, Georgia... or this report about the disillusionment of US soldiers on the fonrt-line in Baghdad...
I travel a lot around the US and the world. But my home-town is Charlottesville, Virginia, a tiny speck of "blue" in what used to be a pretty red state until George Allen's macaca moment came along last summer. (We showedhim, eh!)
Every Thursday when I'm back home in C'ville I take part in our town's weekly antiwar vigil/demonstration . On some occasions over the past three years there have been just three or four of us gathered on the windy street corner outside the federal courthouse building, valiantly holding up our signs that urge the many passing motoriststo "Honk 4 Peace".
Throughout 2006, we saw a steady increase in the numbers of motorists responding.But still, for the most part, there were just between three and seven ofus standing there for that one hour per week. (On occcasion I have stoodalone, at least for a short time; and several times just two of us have beenstanding there for 15 minutes or so till someone else came to join us.)
On Thursday last week, there were about 15 people.
Then yesterday, as my doughty co-demonstrator Jane Foster, age 82, and I approached the corner at 4:30 p.m. with our bundle of signs, we were surprised to see people waiting around there for us to come. People whom, for the most part, we didn't know. "What the-- ?" I wondered as I rushed over to them with the signs. People grabbed them from the pile. Soon, we ran out of signs. People kept coming... Mothers with kids in strollers. Middle-aged couples coming in from out of town. A bunch of people from our Quaker meeting... My dear friend Catherine Peaslee, age 84. (She and Jane have both been stalwart demonstrators over the past year. What incredible role models!) I saw people there I hadn't seen at demonstrations since the big ones we held before the invasion of Iraq-- and, as I said, lots of folks I'd never seen before.
The "front" side of our demonstration stretched out, facing the traffic, along that one curb outside the courthouse and stretching a long way down the sidewalks both ways.
The honking was incredible. Definitely the most ever. We've been working hard to "train" the drivers on this for more than three years now. I was soproud of their response yesterday! Everyone who was anywhere near our busyintersection during that hour would have gotten a very strong antiwar message...and that includes the occupants of some 5,000 or 7,000 vehicles driving through. As usual, we got a particularly strong response from African-Americandrivers, and women. But all sorts of demographics were honking yesterday,including the (white, male) drivers of some enormous trucks, people in expensivecars, drivers of old jalopies crammed with a bunch of co-workers going homeafter a long shift, etc, etc.
Many people wanted to lean long and hard on their horns. Others did a defiantlittle thum-a-thum-thum. At times it built up into a broad, glorious concertof varied rhythms and tones.
I admit that the back side of our demonstration had a bit of a carnival atmosphere as old friends saw each other and went over to hug and say hi. We old-timers had been totally unprepared for this and asked each other in amazement: "What happened?" The general answer was twofold. Number one: the totally unconvincing nature of the Prez's speech the night before. Number two: one of our people, Chip Tucker, had listed our weekly demonstration onthe website of Moveon.org, and several of the new people had seen it there and come along.
In retrospect, I wish we had done more to follow up on and consolidate some of the new energy we saw there. (We should try to be a lot more intentional about this next week.)
But it really was an amazing experience... And taken with everything else that's been happening in the country in the past 10 weeks it helped convince me that Bush has now, fairly definitively, lost the battle for public support of his Iraq war.
(A longer version of this post, with more analysis, is cross posted at my main blog, Just World News.)
At a hearing on Iraq today convened by the Congressional Progressive Caucus, Congressman Jack Murtha offered a preview of how he plans to rein in the Bush Administration, from the perch of his chairmanship of the Defense Subcommittee on the House Appropriations Committee.
Murtha announced his intention to use the power of the purse try and close US prisons at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay, eliminate the signing statements President Bush uses to secretly expand executive power and restrict the building of permanent bases in Iraq.
And starting February 17, Murtha will begin holding "extensive hearings" to block an escalation of the war in Iraq and ultimately redeploy US troops out of the conflict. Murtha predicts that a non-binding resolution criticizing Bush's expansion of the war would pass the Congress by a two to one vote. But he believes that only money, not words, will get the President's attention.
When he receives the Bush Administration's $100 billion supplemental spending request for Iraq on February 5, Murtha says "they'll have to justify every cent they want." He'll insist that no money be allocated for an escalation unless the military can meet normal readiness levels. "We should not spend money to send people overseas unless they replenish the strategic reserve," Murtha says. He expects to have one hundred and twenty days to act before the Administration deploys the second phase of additional troops to Iraq. "If he wants to veto the bill," Murtha says of Bush, "he won't have any money."
Asked whether Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi supports his plans, Murtha responded: "Absolutely."
Allies of the President claim that the war effort should not be "micromanaged." But Murtha says that's exactly what is necessary as the US reaches its fourth year in Iraq. "The Defense Department needs to be micromanaged," he says. "They have been out of control."
In presenting his plan for an immediate withdrawal from Iraq this week, current Representative and now Presidential candidate, Dennis Kucinich, noted that "after the first Gulf War, Iraqis reestablished electricity within three months, despite sanctions. Four years into the US occupation there is no water, nor reliable electricity in Baghdad." He also pointed out that Iraqis receive a paltry 5 percent of subcontracts while US contractors make billions of dollars and "millions of Iraqis do not have a means of financial support, nor substantive employment."
Kucinich's example cuts to the heart of the gross corruption, waste and profiteering that marks the failed Iraqi Reconstruction effort – over $50 billion spent on private contractors with little return and billions unaccounted for. Not only did the Republican Congress turn its back on its Constitutional responsibility for oversight, it even attempted to surreptitiously oust the one individual who was uncovering some of the corruption – Special Inspector General for Iraq Reconstruction, Stuart W. Bowen.
So what did President Bush offer on Wednesday night as a solution to rein in the waste and fraud of the Iraqi Reconstruction effort? "A reconstruction coordinator in Baghdad to ensure better results for economic assistance being spent in Iraq." Seriously.
That favorite standby non-solution solution for Inside-the-Beltway types – like a Drug Czar, only with a less sexy title (perhaps because the Administration knows the public has grown weary of no-results Czars). Now the President just needs to appoint a Blue Ribbon Panel and we will know he really means business.
The tragedy is that the "new" reconstruction policy amounts simply to more money for "an increased number of the State Department's Provisional Reconstruction Teams" and other "preexisting efforts." Sound familiar? Kind of like more money for more troops – stay the course reconstruction disaster to go hand-in-hand with a stay the course military disaster now human catastrophe. No substantive change to an existing profiteering-based system that enriches US contractors with no-bid contracts while providing little oversight, few results, and no equity for Iraqis.
Contrast the Bush administration's empty proposal with the latest efforts of Senator Patrick Leahy. The new Chair of the Judiciary Committee has his set his sights on a real crack-down on the fraudulent reconstruction program. His War Profiteering Prevention Act of 2007 would create "criminal penalties for war profiteers and cheats who would exploit taxpayer-funded efforts in Iraq and elsewhere around the world."
This bill – which the Republican-controlled Senate failed to act on last year despite evidence of rampant contractor fraud – would make "materially overvaluing any good or service with the specific intent to excessively profit" a felony punishable by up to 20 years imprisonment and fines of $1 million or twice the gross profits of the crime, or both. Furthermore, any person "making a false statement in any matter involving a contract for the provision of any goods or services in connection with a war, military action, or relief or reconstruction activities" could be sentenced to 10 years in prison and the same aforementioned fines.
Leahy cited many allegations of fraud and abuse by contractors previously noted here, including Custer Battles bilking the government out of $50 million; overcharges and fraud by Halliburton and subsidiary Kellogg, Brown & Root (and here); and Northrop Grumman and Bechtel's continuing to win sweetheart deals despite recent massive fines and corruption. And, of course, the billions of dollars that has simply gone missing.
Kudos to Senator Leahy for staying on top of this issue since 2003. Let's hope his colleagues show the same grit and determination in ending the human catastrophe in Iraq while a Bush administration continues to call for the sacrifice of more blood, more treasure, and more lives – with no end in sight.
In our country, Wednesday night's "surge" was mainly a surge of words, twenty-minutes worth, 2,898 of them. In the build-up to the speech, as almost every last detail of it was leaked to the media, untold hundreds of thousands of words surged onto news pages, onto the TV news, into talk radio chatter, and on-line -- and so many hundreds of thousands more, these included, will follow in the days to come.
As Gail Russell Chaddock of the Christian Science Monitor wrote, the President's "new way forward" plan is guaranteed to run into a "wall of words on Capitol Hill," but, she added, "not much more." The New York Times front-paged that the Democrats were planning "symbolic votes" against the President's plan "which would do nothing in practical terms to block Mr. Bush's intention to increase the United States military presence in Iraq."
Practical terms means, not words but Congress's undeniable power of the purse, and so its right to deny at least some part of the tsunami of money the Bush administration is demanding to carry out its latest plan. Only in recent days has the possibility of using the purse to rein in the war begun to make its way from the distant frontiers of critical pariah-hood onto at least some mainstream agendas.
In the lead-up to Bush's speech to the nation, almost nowhere did words not surge -- despite the odd irony that the President did not actually use the word "surge" in his speech. Amid the deluge of words, only George Bush resorted to the resounding sound of silence. As Howard Fineman wrote in Newsweek:
"[T]he new chair of the Senate Armed Services Committee -- Carl Levin, an important character now -- sent Bush a private letter three weeks ago offering his counsel. Levin never got a reply. Bush can be just as deaf to Republicans. At a recent White House ceremony, Sen. Susan Collins offered to brief him on her Iraq visit. He responded by escorting her to the office of his deputy national-security adviser -- and then left before she told her story."
Given the crisis atmosphere, much of the speech itself, when the President was not plodding through his tactical changes in Iraq or offering insincere thanks to James Baker's Iraq Study Group, was remarkably ordinary Bush boilerplate. The newest (and most ominous) note struck hardly related to Iraq at all. It lay in these two lines clearly aimed at Iran, a country the Study Group wanted to draw into negotiations: "I recently ordered the deployment of an additional carrier strike group to the region. We will expand intelligence sharing and deploy Patriot air defense systems to reassure our friends and allies." At a moment when at least one American air strike had just taken place in Somalia, it hinted at a different kind of surge entirely.
Otherwise, we had heard it all, including the plan, before. The President struck only a few Iraq notes that, with a modest stretch of the imagination, might be called new and which are already all over the news. He called the situation in Iraq "unacceptable to the American people" and to him. (No mention was made of the Iraqis, of course). He offered this: "Where mistakes have been made, the responsibility rests with me," which, though already being headlined, managed in typical fashion to sound as if he was somehow taking responsibility for mistakes he had little or nothing to do with making.
He did speak of "benchmarks" twice -- "So America will hold the Iraqi government to the benchmarks it has announced…" -- but where exactly those "marks" were and how the Iraqis were to be held to them no one listening to the speech could have had a clue. Perhaps the single novel statement was this one: "I have made it clear to the Prime Minister and Iraq's other leaders that America's commitment is not open-ended." Of course, it too went utterly undefined, but assumedly when the present surge fails, it does leave the President some vague kind of out, were he ever to decide to use it.
When it came to much of the rest of the speech, you could easily have taken his address to a joint session of Congress on September 20, 2001, or his September 11, 2006 anniversary address on the World Trade Center attacks, shaken the words up and simply dumped them randomly into last night's speech without reaching for a bit of new vocabulary. As in either of those previous speeches, he created his usual hair-raisingly Manichaean vision of an embattled us-and-them world (one he and his top officials have worked assiduously to bring into being), of simple good and pure evil (though, a rarity for him, he did not actually use the word "evil" last night), of longed-for security and utter terror.
If you were simply to do a word count comparison to his 9/11 anniversary speech (almost 400 words shorter), there would be little way, except possibly by the rise in the use of the word "sectarian," to note the passage of time in Iraq. Just to take the dystopian side of his official presidential vision, here are some word counts from last night (with the September counts in parentheses).
Terror, terrorists: 13 (17)
Violence, violent: 13 (3)
Sectarian: 9 (1)
Al Qaeda: 10 (3)
Extreme/ists: 6 (6)
Enemies: 5 (14)
Attack: 5 (13)
Insurgents: 5 (0)
Kill, Killing, Killers: 4 (3)
Fight, fighters, fighting: 4 (6)
War: 3 (13)
Struggle: 3 (4)
Death, Deadly: 3 (1)
Islamic (Radical Empire, Radical Extremists): 2 (1)
Murder, Murderers: 2 (1)
Threat: 1 (6)
Defeat: 1 (5)
Destroy, Destruction: 2 (2)
Hateful: 1 (2)
Danger, Dangerous: 2 (1)
Aggressive: 1 (1)
Conflict: 1 (1)
On our side of the black/white divide were all his (and his speechwriters') usual favorites: "protect," "secure," "defend," "democracy," "liberty," and even, against all expectations, not just "success" and its cognates, as well as "prevail," but "victory" itself (twice), even though it long ago went missing in action in the real world.
Awkwardly, even uncomfortably delivered, last night's Way-Forward-in-Iraq speech was, in sum, a speech to be forgotten, a speech certain to be buried -- and quickly -- in the coming carnage.
And here's a strange footnote to the administration's surge of words. The most secretive White House in our history, ever ready to accuse others of leaking or releasing information that could hurt national security, has over the last week essentially released the full American "surge" plan for the Baghdad area -- as if we weren't in one world, as if those resisting the American military didn't watch CNN and couldn't read our press on-line like anyone else. Whether you belong to a Sunni insurgent group, al-Qaeda in Iraq, or Muqtada al-Sadr's Mahdi Army, you now know that the American plan involves dividing the Iraqi capital into nine sections; more or less how many American (as well as Iraqi) troops and police will be assigned to live in each of them; that new mini-bases for the surging Americans will be created throughout the city, and so on.
Given administration and military leaks, copious official background briefings for the media, Bush's speech, and the endless comments of key neocon planners and presidential briefers Frederick Kagan and retired General Jack Keane, can there be anyone on our planet who doesn't know a great deal about the American "way forward" and the exact schedule on which it is to be rolled out? Since the President's plan sounds so much like past "surges" into Baghdad, military and economic, just as the speech itself caught so many past presidential speech patterns, planning to avoid, outwait, outfight, or outwit it should be well underway as you read this.
[Note: Part 1 of this three-part blog, Body Count, appeared Thursday; part 3 follows this weekend.]
Pity the poor Democrats. They never get any respect. Even after their historic return from twelve years in the minority desert, no one wants to throw them a presidential party.
While the Twin Cities are more than happy to serve as the stomping grounds for the fat cats of the Republican Party, Denver and New York City have balked at hosting the Democratic National Convention. The problem in Denver is a labor dispute. The problem in New York is Michael Bloomberg doesn't want to risk $80-100 million, which is, to put it into perspective, the amount of money Bloomberg was willing to risk of his own fortune to run for mayor.
He was also willing to risk that amount in 2004 to host the Republican National Convention--most of whose delegates entered Manhattan as if crossing over to the dark side of the moon--so that Karl Rove could exploit the memory of 9/11. If you suspect Bloomberg is insulting Democrats' relative purchasing power, you are correct.
And yet the mayor may have a point. It's no secret that presidential conventions have become scripted, stage-managed rituals with little drama and no surprises. And as my friend Micah Sifry, an authority on money in politics says, they also provide a last gasp stab at free TV time that the networks now give most grudgingly to the parties, and a moment for the political-lobbying-industrial complex to gather for a few days --with the key players trying to impress each other, buy and sell influence, and take advantage of some of the last, great big money loopholes in the national political process.
The only people who might mourn them if the conventions were abolished would be political reporters who enjoy all the free food, liquor and sweet attention; the hotel and catering industry in their host city and a small group of history buffs.
Even worse, as Sifry points out, the conventions have also become a huge drain on the public purse, with cities competing for the privilege of showering each party with millions in special favors. Not just free parking and police escorts, but subsidized hotel rooms, millions in telecom services, you name it. (The Center for Public Integrity has uncovered the contractual arrangements made around past conventions and what they found is pretty disturbing. See their report for details on the 2004 DNC, for example.)
A modest proposal: Let the delegates mail in their votes, and let's take the money that is spent on the conventions by the taxpayers and put it toward something genuinely democratic, noble and educational.
"The first thing we have to gauge is the reaction of the American people tonight and tomorrow," Senator Jack Reed, the Democrats' point person on the war in Iraq, said yesterday.
The reaction of the American people towards the war remains unchanged. They opposed it before Bush's speech and they still oppose it after. Seventy percent of Americans now disagree with deploying more troops, according to an AP-Ipsos poll released this morning.
In a story today the New York Times gauged the reaction of voters in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, a traditionally Republican suburb outside of Philadelphia that voted for Democrat and Iraq war vet Patrick Murphy for Congress in '06.
A 64-year-old Republican barber and Vietnam vet says of President Bush: "The guy keeps digging us deeper and deeper into this mess, why not start pulling us out now?"
A Democrat whose son is stationed in Cyprus implores Congress to block Bush's escalation. "It's not too late for impeachment," adds one of her house guests.
Sam Graham-Felsen and I visited Bucks County in the days before the election and filed this in-depth video report, "The 'Burbs Go Blue."
Republicans are currently disputing the notion that the midterm elections represented a referendum on Iraq. But when we asked voters in Bucks County, including many Republicans, what they wanted Democrats to do if elected, they repeated over and over, "They've got to get us out of Iraq."
Sending more troops, it's fair to say, was the last thing voters wanted.
In 1979, the new theocratic government in Iran intiated an international crisis when it allowed a group of students to blatantly violate international norms by invading the US embassy in Tehran and taking its staff members hostage. The Carter administration rightfully decried the actions as "not just a diplomatic affront," but a "declaration of war on diplomacy itself."
Now comes word that just as Bush was finishing his speech, the US launched a raid on an Iranian consulate in the Kurdish north and detained five of the Iranians working there. Am I wrong in understanding that, under international law, this is technically an invasion of Iran? If that's the case, doesn't that count as a major escalation of the war to a second front?