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Mychal Denzel Smith | The Nation

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Mychal Denzel Smith

Mychal Denzel Smith

All the blackness that's fit to print. And some that isn't. 

Assata Shakur Is Not a Terrorist


A storefront mural of Assata Shakur. (Flickr/Gary Soup, CC 2.0.)

“My name is Assata Shakur, and I am a 20th century escaped slave.”

So begins an open letter written by Assata Shakur, formerly of both the Black Panther Party and Black Liberation Army, currently exiled political prisoner. The letter itself dates back to 1998, but in the past week there has been renewed interest in reading Shakur in her own words, as the FBI added the iconic figure to their list of Most Wanted Terrorists and, alongside the New Jersey State Police, announced a $2 million reward (up from the $1 million offered in 2005) for any information that might lead to her capture.

Shakur’s infamy began after the May 2, 1973, killing of a New Jersey state trooper. In her letter, as well as in her autobiography, she recounts what happened that night, when she, along with Zayd Malik Shakur and Sundiata Acoli, were stopped on the New Jersey Turnpike for having a faulty tail light. One trooper drew his gun and told them to put their hands in the air, which Assata did. Moments later a shootout ensued, ending with the deaths of Zayd and state trooper Werner Foerster. Assata was also shot while her hands were up. Though the forensic evidence backed up her account, the state was able to convict her, and in 1977 she was sentenced to life plus thirty-three years. She has lived in Cuba, where she was granted asylum, since 1984, having escaped (or in the language of the movement, been liberated) from Clinton Correctional Facility for Women in New Jersey in 1979. Shakur and her supporters, myself included, maintain her innocence.

“It’s incredibly frustrating that the first woman to be on the FBI’s most wanted terrorist list, the same list as Osama bin Laden, would be a 65 year-old grandmother in Cuba,” writer and filmmaker dream hampton told radio host Davey D. I would add that it’s also incredibly frightening. We have seen the way this country has prosecuted the “war on terror,” even after moving away from using that specific phrase, with a blatant disregard for civil liberties, human rights, international law and the rights of sovereign countries. It’s enough to make one very concerned for the safety of Shakur and those around her. If deemed dangerous enough, could an invasion of Cuba be far behind? A drone strike? How far is this government willing to go to capture (kill?) someone whose guilt in the crime for which she was convicted is not clear and poses no threat to the country’s security?

“Assata is not a threat,” scholar and activist Angela Davis, who herself once occupied a spot on the FBI’s 10 Most Wanted Fugitives list, told Democracy Now! “If anything, this is a vendetta.”

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The United States doesn’t like to lose and holds a hell of a grudge. This goes beyond J. Edgar Hoover’s declaring the Black Panther Party the “greatest threat to the internal security of the country” and vowing to eradicate them. This is the fate of anyone, particularly those with black and brown skin, who holds views deemed anti-American—which for them only reflect their status as an oppressed people (there’s controversy in asserting that all people deserve the right to food, clothing and shelter). Because what of her actions qualifies Shakur as a terrorist? Even if you believe she is responsible for Foerster’s death, that would make her responsible for one death in the early morning hours on a New Jersey highway forty years ago. If that is terrorism, if the definition is such that this purported crime fits, then in the process of labeling Assata Shakur a terrorist, the FBI has rendered the word all but meaningless. According to Davis, “the attack on [Shakur] reflects the logic of terrorism, because it precisely is designed to frighten young people, especially today, who would be involved in the kind of radical activism that might lead to change.” But there’s no one around to put law enforcement on a wanted list.

“I am only one woman,” Shakur wrote in her open letter, but the FBI has decided to make her more than that. She is a symbol of what it means to be a black woman who dares fight back. You don’t need to be sporting one of those “red, black and green liberation jump-suits” that Gil Scott-Heron talked about in order to see that this ramped up manhunt is unnecessary and an abuse of power. But it should also remind us that the struggle Shakur and her comrades took bullets for is still not over. We’re still needed on the frontlines.

Hands off Assata, now and forever.

Read Mychal Denzel Smith on Arizona’s new gun-buyback law, which illustrates why the federal government should take the lead on gun control.

Lessons to Learn From Arizona's New Gun Laws


Arizona Governor Jan Brewer meets with President Obama in 2010. (White House Photo/Pete Souza.)

Editor's Note: With this post we welcome Mychal Denzel Smith, who has already been a guest-blogger and contributor to TheNation.com, back to our site as a regular blogger! You'll find Mychal's work, focusing on racial justice, criminal justice, and more, here at least once per week.

The United States Senate, as it is wont to do, failed to find enough votes to pass legislation that a majority of Americans support. In this instance, it was for expanded background checks, the one gun control measure that, since the tragic shooting in Newtown, seemed likely to become law. But where there’s a will there’s a way, and our Congress, if nothing is else, wills its way into ineffectiveness with ease.

Thus far, it has been left up to individual states to craft their own gun control legislation, and a few have stepped up to the plate. Colorado, New York, Maryland and Connecticut have all passed new gun control laws, including bans on assault weapons and high-capacity magazines.

Arizona has also taken up the issue of gun control. On Monday (April 29), Governor Jan Brewer, of SB1070 and finger-wagging fame, signed a bill that prevents cities and counties conducting gun-buyback events from destroying the weapons they obtain and forces them to sell the guns to licensed firearm dealers, to then be resold to the public. According to state Representative Brenda Barton, the Republican author of the measure, the bill is meant to “clarify” already existing laws that require the government to sell weapons that they have seized. According to the Arizona Daily Sun, the “law also covers ‘found property’ which is defined as anything recovered, lost or abandoned that is not needed as evidence,” and by “adding the word ‘surrendered’ to what is considered found property” it now covers even those guns.

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“Any chance of cities or counties conducting future gun-buyback programs is about to evaporate,” says the Sun—and they’re exactly right. This bill has the effect of turning Arizona’s gun-buyback program, aimed at getting guns off the street, into a recycling initiative. Additionally, Brewer signed a separate bill prohibiting local governments from keeping lists of people who own firearms, though no evidence exists that any city was keeping this type of record.

As someone who is firmly anti-gun/anti–Second Amendment, background checks are not all that satisfying, but this Arizona law is an affront to progress of any kind. But there are two lessons to be learned here. One is that gun control—meaningful gun control—legislation has to be a federal priority. This isn’t an issue where we can afford to have fifty different states going about their business in fifty completely different ways, when the ability to obtain a gun through one state’s lax laws renders a nearby state’s stricter gun laws moot. Federalism is not our friend on gun control.

And second, even as public opinion shifts toward “common sense” gun laws, the energy and organization still lies on the pro-gun side. The governor’s office in Arizona claims they received more than 1900 pleas for Brewer to sign this new measure, an effort organized by the Arizona Citizens Defense League. On the other hand, they only received twenty-five messages in favor of a veto. The poll numbers are one thing, but political movement requires actual movement.

If we’re truly exhausted by seeing headlines such as this one, where 2-year-olds are the victims of gun violence, those of us on the side of restricting access to guns have to become just as vigilant in our cause as those who would interpret the Second Amendment to essentially mean “a chicken in every pot and a gun in every hand.”

For more on another pressing reform issue—immigration—read Allison Kilkenny on May Day rallies in New York City.

White People Have to Give Up Racism


Protesters march in memory of Trayvon Martin. (Frank Reynolds.)

Last week, I argued that a repeal of so-called “Stand Your Ground” laws and the outlawing of racial profiling are necessary but insufficient to prevent murders like that of Trayvon Martin. On Twitter, someone asked me, “What’s your solution?” My short answer: white people have to give up racism.

As complicated an issue as race has become in the United States, that might sound like an overly simplistic answer, but it’s the root of it all. While we’ve all come up internalizing racism, since it’s all around us, only one group of people actually benefits from its existence. Not every white person is a racist, but the genius of racism is that you don’t have to participate to enjoy the spoils. If you’re white, you can be completely oblivious, passively accepting the status quo, and reap the rewards.

Over time, those living on the other side, whether black, Latino, Asian, or Native American, have fought back and shamed white people into sharing the power and the spoils of capitalism. A few people of color have managed to achieve levels of success, as we typically define it, that rival their white counterparts. So, a popular narrative has become, “These few tokens beat the odds, why can’t all of you?” In fact, no one defeats racism; they just succeed in spite of it. But most don’t.

No, it’s not the job of people of color to win over racism, it’s the responsibility of white people to abandon it altogether. We’ve reached a point here in America, though, where we believe the worst of racism is over and the remaining animus is either not worth mentioning or dying off. Neither is true. Racism is the foundation; it literally built this country. It’s going to keep showing up. Denying that doesn’t solve the problem, it exacerbates it, making it so we can’t ever achieve real solutions.

Then Trayvon dies, or Rodrigo Diaz dies, or we debate protecting Native American women from sexual assault, and the promise of America doesn’t match up to the reality. But we've accepted the falsehood of equal opportunity. We’re a nation constantly lying to ourselves instead bettering ourselves.

So my solution? White people have to let go of racism. From the avowed racist, to the anti-racist activists, to the “I’m not a racist, I have two black friends” folks, to the “I don’t see color” people and everyone else between or on the margins. It has to be a concerted effort on the part of white people to actively reject racist beliefs, thoughts and actions.

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Your next question is probably, "How?” Listening to people of color, earnestly, is a start. We’ve been at this a long time, shouting about where injustice lives, but white people’s response has often been reminiscent of a popular Jay-Z lyric: "We don’t believe you, you need more people." And then, when a white person has a “Black Like Me” moment—experiencing the type of discrimination typically reserved for people of color—white people are suddenly outraged. It would be laughable if it weren’t so insulting. Our stories are real. We have lived them and then recorded them, not because it’s fun to do so, but to draw attention to where change is needed. All white people have to do is listen.

Which brings me to another point and general pet peeve of mine: white people have to diversify their media consumption. Even the most liberal and noble anti-racists can be guilty on this one. A few prominent, usually very bright, but generally non-threatening folks of color become the cherry-picked spokespeople for the entire media world, knowing they could never adequately represent the complexity of the group to which they’re assigned. Yet, white people turn to them as the Yoda of all things race-related at the expense of deepening their understanding. People of color have been locked out of mainstream media outlets for so long, we started making our own out of necessity (Ebony, Latino, PODER, Essence magazines, as well as many online spaces). Vital conversations often take place there about the ways in which we experience the world. White people should check them out.

Before that, though, the chief job should be admitting there is a problem. White people have to name it, and it can’t be a cutesy euphemism that dodges the issue. We don’t have a “race problem,” we aren’t struggling with “race relations,” no one has been a victim of “reverse racism.” Let’s try this: “The United States is a racist country and because of that, I, as a white person, am the beneficiary of power and privileges that have an adverse effect on citizens of color.” There’s no shame in admitting such. It’s just a necessary starting point.

From there, I don’t know what happens. We’ve never tried to develop public policy alongside good faith actors who were actually invested in eliminating racism. No one knows what that looks like. Some of us would like to give a shot.

The US government should answer for the violence it has unleashed, from Chicago to Yemen, Mychal Denzel Smith writes.

President Obama Should Go to Chicago. And Yemen. And Pakistan. And ...


US drone strikes have killed innocent civilians around the world. (AP Photo/Lt. Col. Leslie Pratt, US Air Force.)

After the shooting death of Hadiya Pendleton, the 15-year-old honor student who had, just a week before her tragic death, performed along with her high school band in the president’s inauguration ceremonies, the Black Youth Project started a Change.org petition asking President Obama to come to Chicago and address the gun violence plaguing the city. Initially, I read it skeptically. There’s a tendency to want the president to respond to every crisis everywhere, even when his intervention would do little to help. What real impact would a presidential speech or two have in reducing the violence? None that I can see. But that really isn’t the point.

The president should go to Chicago. Even if it’s not for Hadiya’s funeral, which the first lady will attend, he should go to his adopted hometown sometime in the near future, meet with local community leaders, his old chief of staff turned mayor, family and friends who have lost someone to guns, and children of all ages that currently live in fear of their own neighborhood. He should offer them, as he did the families in Newtown, reassurance that they are not alone. He should use the bully pulpit, as Cathy Cohen told The Washington Post, “to command the attention of the country, raising their consciousness about the life and death issues facing young people in Chicago.” He should listen intently to their concerns and engage them in dialogue about their ideas for solutions. He should get the country to focus on them, care about their future and stop writing them off. They should feel like someone cares.

Then he should explain to them when and why he thinks their government has right to kill them.

He should tell them about Anwar al-Awlaki and why, like Hadiya, his son has become a teenage symbol of a culture of violence. He should explain who makes the decisions and what criteria they use to determine who poses a threat so imminent the United States ignores habeas corpus in favor of unmanned drone strikes. He should explain why, as David Cole writes in the Post, this policy remains “secret in most aspects, involves no judicial review, has resulted in the deaths of innocent civilians, has been employed far from any battlefield and has sparked deep anti-American resentment in countries where we can ill afford it.” They should understand what’s being done in their name. He should ask them if they’re OK with that.

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When he leaves Chicago, the president should travel to Pakistan, and Yemen and Somalia, where he should deliver similar speeches to the families and friends of those who have lost someone to a drone. He should explain to them the endgame. He should tell them how long this is going to last. He should tell them how many Al Qaeda number-twos we have to kill before we feel safe enough to end the “war on terror.” The president should tell them he cares about their lives and futures just as much as he cares about the citizens in his own country. They should know how long their kids have to live in fear of the sky.

I don’t wish to conflate the issues and act is if they are precisely the same, but I also don’t wish to pretend the violence abroad isn’t reflected in the violence in our streets and vice versa. And I don’t expect that this would put an end to drone strikes, targeted killings, assassinations and the like, much the same way I don’t anticipate a speech or two about gun violence in Chicago would put an end to shooting deaths there. What I’m suggesting is the president, and the rest of us, recognize our contradictions and be more vigilant in addressing violent behavior no matter where it’s directed and by whom.

Obama should go to Chicago and ask the country to hold itself accountable for the violence we’ve allowed to terrorize a community. Then he should hold himself accountable, too.

We need to take more steps to make sure what happened to Trayvon Martin won't happen again, Mychal Denzel Smith writes.

Why Ending 'Stand Your Ground' Isn't Enough to Prevent Another Trayvon Martin


Protesters gather at a rally for Trayvon Martin in New York City's Union Square on March 21st, 2013

Yesterday, on what would have been Trayvon Martin’s eighteenth birthday, Representative Frederica Wilson, a Democrat from South Florida, introduced a resolution to honor the slain teen and, according to a statement from her office, urge “the repeal of Stand Your Ground laws, and calling on the United States government to address the crisis of racial profiling.” The statement further reads:

Today, Trayvon Martin would have celebrated his 18th birthday. We all know the tragic circumstances surrounding his murder: Trayvon was racially profiled, chased, made to fight for his life, and ultimately murdered. Yet we as a nation have yet to take substantive action to stop such a heartbreaking incident from happening again. Enough is enough: We as a nation have buried too many young black boys. Let’s set Congress on course to address the underlying causes behind the crisis that Trayvon’s death symbolizes. Let’s take action to stop racial profiling and give our people a chance to succeed.

Wilson is right. We haven’t taken substantive action toward making sure what happened to Trayvon doesn’t happen again. A report from the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement found that at the halfway point of last year, something killings similar to Trayvon’s occurred about 120 times, or once every thirty-six hours. Yet, here we are, nearly a year after Trayvon’s death captivated a nation, and the best we have managed is a resolution in his honor.

I support the language of Wilson’s resolution, though I would replace “racial” profiling with racist profiling, as to my mind the former doesn’t capture the entirety problem. But it also leaves me feeling as if we lack the will to grapple with the big questions that would ultimately lead us to the answers we truly need.

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In the wake of such tragedies, we collectively feel the impulse to do something, because we don’t want the deaths of our loved ones to be in vain. But what we end up doing is making ourselves better prepared for the next time it happens, rather than trying to prevent it from happening altogether. We treat these things as naturally intractable parts of the human experience, when the truth is, there’s nothing natural about black boys dying at age 17.

But after Trayvon’s death, we focused much of our energy on discussing the Stand Your Ground law, which is a truly indefensible and overreaching law that grants more latitude than should be given in cases of self-defense. The problem isn’t that we want it repealed, but that Stand Your Ground isn’t what killed Trayvon; it’s what might help George Zimmerman get away with it. And as much as I have written and advocated for reducing the number of and access to guns, it wasn’t just the gun in Zimmerman’s hand that shot Trayvon. It was a historic rendering of black men as enemies of the state, menaces to society, threats to the American way of life, that caused Trayvon to lose his life that day. How do you legislate against that?

We can pass more and strengthen current racial profiling laws, but that only addresses the problem after the fact. We have to be more proactive and solutions oriented before our kids end up in the grave. Similar to “Ten Things to End Rape Culture” published here at The Nation, we need plans of action that start on a community level to root out racism before it gets a chance to pull another trigger. Or else we’ll be back here, again and again, passing more resolutions in honor of the fallen, wondering what can be done to prevent another tragedy like this from happening.

A conservative reaction to Michelle Obama's praise for Beyonce's Super Bowl show reveals racist and sexist expectations, Mychal Denzel Smith writes.

Michelle, Beyoncé and the Fruitless Politics of Respectability


Beyonce performs during the half-time show of the NFL Super Bowl XLVII football game in New Orleans, Louisiana, February 3, 2013. Reuters/Mike Segar

As a non-Beyoncé fan, even I have to admit that her halftime show at the Super Bowl was spectacular. It’s a grand stage built for grand performances, and if there was any doubt before this, she left none after that she is indeed the pre-eminent pop star of her generation. But all some people could see was a sex machine.

Kathryn Jean Lopez, writing for the National Review Online’s blog, was very concerned about Beyoncé’s performance. Lopez wants to know: “Why can’t we have a national entertainment moment that does not include a mother gyrating in a black teddy?” Because over the course of a thirteen-minute display of pyrotechnics, choreography, holograms and ten-piece all-female band, the only thing that really happened was a woman stood on stage shaking her ass, right?

Lopez found the display gratuitous, saying it was “no surprise that men made comments about stripper poles and putting dollar bills through their TV sets.” Instead of condemning those men for making such sexist remarks, it’s Beyoncé’s fault for eliciting that response.

What Beyoncé did was own her sexuality, for herself and no one else, in a public space—and it freaked some people out. Whether you think Beyoncé was “self-objectifying” is a question of whether it’s possible for a woman to publicly embrace her sexuality without being defined by the hetero-male gaze. As a hetero-male, I hope I’m not speaking out of turn when I say: Not everything is about us. In fact, most things aren’t, we just pretend they are so we can feel good about ourselves.

But Lopez seems most disappointed not in Beyoncé, but in the first lady. After the performance Michelle Obama sent out a tweet praising Beyoncé, saying the singer was “phenomenal” and that she was “proud of her.” For Lopez, the first lady’s open adulation for Beyoncé sends the wrong message, as Beyoncé is a role model in some respects but, according to Lopez, an “example of cultural surrender, rather than leadership” in others. Keli Goff advanced a similar argument last year after Michelle Obama told People magazine that if she could be anyone in the world it would be Beyoncé. Goff worried what message that could be sending to the young black girls who look up to the first lady.

First, we have to get over the idea that we can choose for our young people who is and is not a role model. They will identify with whom and what speaks to them directly and helps them make sense of the world on their own. The role of the adults in their lives is to be sure they’re exposed to as many ideas and ways of thinking as possible.

Second, Obama’s embrace of Beyoncé is somehow seen as tarnishing Beyoncé’s own image, but even more so, that of the first lady. In the American consciousness, particularly for conservatives, the first lady should be the embodiment of all the puritanical implications of the latter part of her title. This precludes her from being sexual in any way—even if it’s only vicariously through a famous pop star. When she falls short of those ideals, someone will always be there to publicly admonish her for it.

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The assumption underlying both Lopez’s and Goff’s outcries is that by associating with what they consider less than desirable elements, Obama invites criticism on herself. It’s a long-standing idea among groups traditionally discriminated against in this country that if they present themselves as above reproach—twice or three times as worthy of praise—those in power will have no choice but to see and accept them as fully human productive members of society. It’s a politics of respectability that puts the onus of ending discrimination on those who experience the discrimination, through individual action and responsibility.

But that just doesn’t work. As a black woman, the first lady will come up against many forms of racist and sexist discrimination that replicate themselves in the way she is discussed and critiqued in public. Her accomplishments don’t protect her from these attacks; in fact, the attacks are intensified precisely because of what she has achieved. This is how systems of oppression work, and it's how they'll continue to work until those who benefit from them disavow them and the privilege that is bestowed upon them. No matter the first lady’s actions, they won’t cure racism and sexism.

Lopez says, “I so want the Obamas to be leaders on building a culture of marriage and fatherhood and human dignity.” As public figures, the Obamas already represent all of those things, as do Beyoncé and her husband. But if you’re determined to find a way to blame people for their own marginalization, you will.

Dave Zirin writes about a much less entertaining spectacle at the Super Bowl—the power outage—and what it says about economic inequality in this country.

On the Routine Criminalization of America's Black and Brown Youth


Trayvon Martin, a black teenager who was fatally shot by a neighborhood watch volunteer. (AP Photo/HO, Martin Family Photos.)

On the face of it, the fates that befell 22-year-old Rodrigo Diaz and 7-year-old Wilson Reyes may seem unrelated. A Bronx elementary school student, Reyes was handcuffed and, according to his family, interrogated by police for up to ten hours, because of a playground scuffle over five dollars. Diaz, meanwhile, was shot and killed when he mistakenly pulled into the driveway of Phillip Sailors, a 69-year-old Vietnam veteran, in Lilburn, Georgia.

But they’re connected. Let me explain how. David E. Diaz-Valencia, Diaz’s brother, told NBC Latino, “We don’t think it’s about racism. Maybe the guy was angry, trying to protect his own property.” Sailors’s attorney, Michael Puglise, told the Atlanta Journal-Constitution this was “not a question of color, not a question of race, this is a question of a tragic event dictated by fear.” But fear of whom? With due respect to Diaz-Valencia’s optimism, I find it almost impossible for to think up a scenario in which a car full of white youth pulls into the wrong driveway, the owner of the home fires a warning shot before confronting them, as Sailors did, and then the driver of the vehicle is shot in the head as he’s backing the car out and attempting to apologize, as was the case with Diaz. Because in our American imagination, the only time a group of young white people pose a threat that requires a violent response is when they’re occupying Wall Street. The victims in these cases of “mistaken” identity always come up as people of color.

And maybe Sailors would have done the same if they were white. He may have just been that angry at any trespasser. There isn’t really a way for us to be sure. What we do know that happened is a group of young Latinos pulled into the wrong driveway, and a man shot one of them because he was afraid they might be gang members trying to rob him. Now I ask, how does that man come to such a conclusion so quickly?

Well, it starts with putting a 7-year-old brown kid in handcuffs over five dollars he didn’t steal. Perhaps it’s still a foreign concept to most people, but the criminalization of black and brown youth is a daily routine. Reyes’s situation isn’t unlike that of 6-year-old Salecia Johnson, who in April of last year was arrested and handcuffed in school, after what was described as “temper tantrum.” Before her, there was 5-year-old Michael Davis, whose hands and feet with restrained with zip ties when his school called the police in to scare away his behavioral problems. The kids get the message a very young age, and the rest the world does as well, that they are potential menaces to society and will be treated as such.

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That’s why, in the Washington, DC, area, black kids are two to five times more likely to suspended or expelled from school than their white classmates, and why in New York City, over the course of a four-month period in the summer and fall of 2011, all but four of the sixty-three students arrested in school were black or Latino. They aren’t disproportionately more disruptive, but their behavior is interpreted as such.

This is how you end up with Trayvon Martins and Jordan Davises. We create these images of monsters and then wonder why people go out slaying them.

This is part of the reason why the current gun control debate is so disingenuous. We want universal background checks to ensure criminals don’t have access to guns, but then don’t look at the ways in which we create criminals. We want mental health checks, but show little-to-no concern for the trauma visited upon black and brown youths caught in the crosshairs of violence and racism. But none of this is surprising.

Which is perhaps the most infuriating aspect of it all. I wasn’t shocked when I read about Diaz, though I wanted to be. I’ve come to expect news like this to hit me in the face before I’ve even had breakfast. Too many of us have, and we know that it will continue to be that way as long as our fellow citizens continue to see young people of color as little more than a bunch of thugs in waiting.

Barack Obama is leading a campaign against mass shootings, but what about the masses killed by gun violence every year in inner cities? Mychal Denzel Smith calls for fewer guns for everyone.

Let's End All Gun Deaths, Not Just Mass Killings


Edwina Grant who lost her son to gun violence holds his picture as she demonstrates with CeaseFirePa at a rally in the Pennsylvania Capital building Wednesday, January 23, 2013, in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania.(AP Photo/Matt Rourke)

In 1995, Chicago resident Shirley Chambers lost her first child to gun violence. Her 18-year-old son, Carlos, was shot and killed by a 16-year-old high school classmate. Five years later, her 15-year-old daughter, Latoya, was killed by a 13-year-old boy. Only two months after his sister was gunned down, Shirley Chambers’s son Jerome was shot and killed outside of the Cabrini-Green housing projects in which they lived. He was 23-years-old. Jerome’s death left Shirley with one surviving child, Ronnie. “I’d pray for God to protect Ronnie and keep him safe day and night,” she told the Chicago Sun-Times. She was speaking to them on the occasion of Ronnie’s death, shot and killed this past Sunday at the age of 34.

Ronnie is one of seven killed and six wounded in Chicago over the weekend. He is one of forty homicides in the city during the month of January. He will be his mother’s last. Over the course of eighteen years, Shirley Chambers has had to bury all four of her children as a result of gun violence.

On Monday, President Obama met with police chiefs from Newtown, Connecticut; Oak Creek, Wisconsin; Aurora, Colorado; and Tucson, Arizona to discuss how to prevent the types of mass shootings these cities experienced recently. Because for all the talk about gun control as of late, the goal has really been fewer mass shootings. It says as much in the press release that preceded the president’s press conference on January 16, where he signed twenty-three executive orders and introduced his proposals for congressional legislation on gun control—the intent behind these measures is “to better protect our children and our communities from tragic mass shootings like those in Newtown, Aurora, Oak Creek, and Tucson.” There is no national conversation on how to end gun deaths like those of Shirley Chambers’s children, or the more than 500 in Chicago last year or the thousands more just like them across the country. Spoken or not, the sentiment appears to be that gun violence is more acceptable in certain places among certain people than it is in others.

It may be that addressing this type of violence is better handled by local governments, as opposed to on a federal level, so legislation can be crafted to the specific needs of each city. To that end, Chicago’s Mayor Rahm Emanuel is pushing for new ordinances that would, according to the Sun-Times, “broaden the requirement for reporting the loss, theft, sale or transfer of firearms to all gun owners in all of Cook County and double the jail time for an array of gun violations.” This new requirement of reporting lost, stolen, destroyed, or sold firearms would extend to all gun owners, not just those with city firearms permits, as currently constituted. It would also extend to Cook County, which includes the areas immediately surrounding Chicago, a move that is constitutionally questionable, but has the support of County Board President Toni Preckwinkle. The hope is that this will stop the flow of illegal guns into Chicago and the hands of gang members.

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But whether it’s Chicago, Oak Creek, Detroit, New York or Tucson, the problem is the same: guns. There are too many of them and they are too easy to get. There should be less of them and they should be much harder to get… for everyone. As I’ve said here before, the idea that keeping guns out of the hands of “bad” or “dangerous” people will solve the problem of gun violence rests on the fallacy that “good” people never do the wrong thing. It’s not the people that make guns dangerous, but the other way around.

In 2000, then Newark, New Jersey city councilman Cory Booker said in a C-SPAN interview that in his urban environment he saw “little to no need for guns at all” and that “if I had the power to do so,” he would ban all guns. As mayor of Newark, Booker, according to the Star-Ledger, said, “My experience over the last seven years as mayor has given me a very practical, nuanced, data-driven and experienced view as to what policy works to help empower people and advance our city.”

The problem is, thus far, “practical” hasn’t worked. “Practical” has only lessened the epidemic. “Practical” has Shirley Chambers carrying extra flowers when she goes to visit her children at the cemetery. “Practical” is damn lethal.

We are a nation of the Second Amendment and guns. But we don’t have to be. 

Mychal Denzel Smith last wrote on how widespread poverty pushes black men to strive for football stardom—despite the mounting risks of traumatic brain injury.

For Black Boys, the NFL—and Traumatic Brain Injury—Can Be Lottery Tickets


Junior Seau committed suicide after suffering from brain injuries. (AP Photo/Charles Krupa.)

This Sunday, citizens across these United States will indulge in the country’s most cherished pastime: watching large men give each other life-threatening concussions. For about twenty weeks, millions of us sit riveted as players in the NFL collide into one another at breakneck speeds, delivering bone-crushing hits that thrill and excite, and it all concludes on our favorite holiday, Super Bowl Sunday. Buckets of chicken and kegs of beer will be consumed in raucous atmospheres at homes and bars across the land, as we all watch the next generation of Alzheimer’s patients and suicide victims ride on to national glory.

It sounds grim when put that way, but that’s exactly what is happening. Over the past few years, the dangers of the sport have come under more scrutiny, as more than 3,800 former players have sued the NFL over the issue of head injuries. Chronic traumatic encephalopathy, more commonly referred to by its initials CTE, has become a huge concern for retired football players, as a number of high profile suicides have put the debilitating brain disease on their radar, including that of former star linebacker Junior Seau. Only 43 years old, Seau was found dead last year of a self-inflicted gunshot wound to the chest. Like others before him, he chose to preserve his brain so that it could be studied after his death. During his playing career, Seau was never sidelined due to concussions, but it has been established that he did develop CTE, likely because of repeated hits to the head during his twenty year career. His family has filed a lawsuit, according the Associated Press, accusing the NFL of “deliberately ignoring and concealing evidence of the risks associated with traumatic brain injuries.”

On his MSNBC show, Chris Hayes hosted a roundtable discussion, including a former NFL player and the wife of one who committed suicide, on the future of football:

The conversation centered around our culpability/responsibility as consumers of the sport. As we learn more about the risks involved for the players, and knowing that the owners want the sport to continue so long as it is profitable, do we as fans hold the ultimate key to protecting these guys, in that we can change the channel? Yes, but here’s the problem. The average fan, aside from being enticed by the violence, is able to put some distance between themselves and the players, as they justify watching by telling themselves that these men are being paid millions of dollars to play a game they know is dangerous.

The Seau family’s lawsuit alleges the NFL was not forthcoming about the risks involved with head injuries, and perhaps had he known what those risks were, Seau may have stopped playing. Mary Ann Easterling, wife of Ray Easterling who committed suicide last year, said on Up with Chris that her husband felt “used,” and that if he could go back, he wouldn’t have played. But that dredges up the old cliché: hindsight is 20/20. What would it take for current and potential future NFL stars to give up the game?

My guess is more than the threat of CTE. We talk about the culture of violent machismo as a driving motivator behind their choice to play, but it’s even more basic than that. It’s the economy, stupid. The reason there are over a million boys in this country, of all different ages, playing this violent game is that there are millions of dollars on the table, in guaranteed contracts and endorsement deals, available to those who prove themselves capable of strapping on the pads and play America’s favorite sport at the highest level. This is the lottery, and who is more willing to play than those who are most economically disadvantaged?

It’s no accident that throughout the year the most celebrated players talk about their humble beginnings coming from poor and working-class families. It’s also no coincidence that so many of them are African-American. Sixty-seven percent  of NFL players are are African-American. Why? Because this is a hustle, and so long as African-Americans are disproportionately represented among the poor, they’ll also be disproportionately represented in the NFL.

As much as players, particularly the black ones, are chastised in the media for their lavish lifestyles, an NFL contract is the economic hope of many poor black youths and their families. There may only be little more than 1,700 African-American men with deals, but that is still 1,700 six-, seven- and eight-figure deals that families and friends of the players are relying on for their economic security. For all the expensive cars and frivolous clubbing, these guys are also propping up immediate and extended family on their salaries. As the checks get bigger, it’s not surprising the number of kids playing at earlier and earlier ages increases. For too many, this is their answer to debilitating poverty.

So what’s a little permanent brain damage?

We can wait for the cultural shift to take place, where football no longer figures so prominently because soccer and basketball have overtaken our imaginations, and then we no longer have to concern ourselves with this messy business of brain injuries. Or we could improve the economic conditions of the poor and working class, especially those of color, and no longer render them dependent on the idea of huge paydays from a major breadwinner putting his future health at risk, and see how that works out. Until then, go Ravens, I guess.

Dave Zirin has more on the Super Bowl, specifically how the 49ers and the Ravens have helped promote LGBT rights.

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