Grover Norquist’s iron grip over much of the Republican Party is somewhat puzzling. Why should Senators and other lawmakers listen to a guy caught laundering money for Jack Abramoff?
But consider Norquist’s tax pledge and political power another way: that he’s just a proxy for the powerful interest groups that finance him. In the nineties, it was big tobacco that used Norquist’s tax pledge as a cover to lobby lawmakers against cigarette taxes (Norquist still uses an e-mail system donated to him by Altria to send out Tea Party action alerts against tobacco taxes). Now, big PhRMA and other industry groups provide grants to Norquist while his foundation endorses other giveaways, like protectionist support against importing cheaper drugs from Canada and the classification of tax subsidies to refineries as “tax cuts” that must not be cut.
I took a look at the last available budget numbers for Americans for Tax Reform, Norquist’s group. Though they do not reveal their donors, we can cobble together much of Norquist’s donors using foundations and other nonprofits that donate money to him.
The disclosures show that only two billionaire-backed groups have provided over 66 percent of Norquist’s funding:
• The Center to Protect Patients Rights donated $4,189,000 to Americans for Tax Reform in 2010, 34 percent of the group’s budget that year.
• Crossroads GPS donated $4,000,000 to Americans for Tax Reform in 2010, 32.46 percent of the group’s budget that year.
The Center to Protect Patients Rights is the foundation used by the billionaire clique led by the Koch brothers to distribute grants to allied groups. In 2010, wealthy moguls like Steve Bechtel of Bechtel Corporation and Steve Schwarzman of the Blackstone Group met behind closed doors to help lend money to these types of efforts.
Crossroads GPS is the undisclosed group run by Karl Rove. The only known donors are folks like Paul Singer, the “vulture” hedge fund king who benefits enormously from tax strategies like the carried interest loophole. Norquist’s pledge largely benefits billionaires like Singer and Schwarzman, who pay almost nothing in payroll taxes and likely pay a lower rate than their secretaries.
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When Norquist promises consequences for the few GOP members willing to break with his pledge, what he’s really saying is that his donor network will retaliate with attack ads and money for primary challenges.
So as our country descends into a position where now 1 percent of society owns more than one-third of the wealth, it should be no surprise that the guy preventing any equitable tax system is fully financed by the privileged few at the top.
Lee Fang is an investigative reporter for The Nation. He last reported that a Congressman leading “fiscal cliff” talks just accepted a job as a lobbyist.
As a class of newly elected members of Congress prepare to swear their oath as public servants, another class, of those retiring this term, are taking private pledges in the office towers dotting downtown Washington, DC. Those pledges, employment contracts to lobby their former colleagues on behalf of corporate interests, have become an increasingly biennial traditional for both parties.
Yesterday afternoon, Duke Energy, the coal-fueled utility company based in North Carolina, sent out a press release stating that they are “pleased” to announce that Congressman Health Shuler will be “joining our team in Washington.” He will lead the company’s federal government affairs (i.e., lobbying) efforts.
It should be no surprise that Shuler, a prominent Blue Dog conservative Democrat who chose to skip re-election after Republicans gerrymandered his district, is among the first to reveal his new gig as an influence peddler. Another top Blue Dog, Representative Mike Ross of Arkansas, is one of the only other sitting lawmakers this year to already make public his plans to head into lobbying.
Earlier this year, I helped found the corruption watchdog blog Republic Report to keep an eye on the influence industry and its corrosive effect on policy. Back in July, following reports that Shuler had begun negotiating for a job on K Street while still serving in office, and setting policy that could impact his future employers, my former colleague Zaid Jilani, now the PCCC’s lead blogger at The Daily Change, and I asked him about his plans.
He bluntly told us that “no,” he is not seeking a job as a lobbyist. But, the former Redskins quarterback did inform us that he planned to “Have a better job than you guys” (emphasis added):
FANG: It’s been reported a month or two ago that you’re already negotiating for a lobby job because you’re retiring this year
SHULER: Ha! No, I’m on the phone with my wife.
FANG: But you’re not even negotiating with the Majority Group, or any of these other lobbying firms on K Street?
SHULER: Nope. You read it wrong, buddy. […] Rob worked for me; Walt was my colleague. I can have a conversation with them if I want to.
FANG: Are you planning to become a lobbyist?
SHULER: No.
[…]
JILANI: What do you plan to do after you retire?
SHULER: Have a better job than you guys have, that’s for sure.
Watch it:
Though Shuler has already accepted the position with Duke Energy, he is still helping to lead a bipartisan coalition, along with Representative Mike Simpson (R-ID), to deal with the “fiscal cliff.” Shuler has promised an “all options” approach, one that will undoubtedly affect his soon to be employer. Duke Energy benefits from a host of tax subsidies, so much so that Citizens for Tax Justice found that the company paid an effective tax rate of negative 3.9 percent from 2008–10 while making over $5.5 billion in profit.
The press release has a disclaimer that Shuler will abide by House Ethics rules and not vote on any legislation affecting Duke Energy. But those rules are laden with loopholes and Shuler can certainly craft legislation and vote on broad measures that impact tax policy affecting his future employer.
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Thousands of former congressmen, federal regulators and staff regularly head to K Street to collect high-paying salaries, often from businesses that have benefitted from their actions in government. There are dozens of high-profile examples of this form of corruption, from former Senator Tom Daschle to former Representative Billy Tauzin, all securing multimillion-dollar paydays from industries they cultivated while in office. A new report shows how military contractors routinely court retired generals, some with wide sway over weapon purchases, with lavish paydays.
The sum of this dynamic is that people in government have much bigger incentives to sell out to industry, even when doing so hurts the public interest. While it seems likely in some cases, behind the scene job negotiations for officeholders become little more than bribery; we haven’t seen federal prosecutors too eager to prosecute this type of corruption. Part of the problem is actually cultural. In Washington, the sell-outs, the men and women who make the most money as industry hacks, are the winners. From high society tabloids like Washington Life to the Beltway media, those who spin through the revolving door are adulated and celebrated.
Maybe that’s why Shuler seemed so certain of a gleaming post-congressional career path.
In his latest, George Zornick writes that Chairman “Mary Shapiro’s Departure Creates an Opportunity for a Stronger SEC.”
A major misstep by a conservative nonprofit has led to a dramatic turn of events in the Golden State. In what was first a case of a mysterious Arizona group laundering political money for two key ballot initiatives in California, the scandal may quickly evolve into a criminal investigation that could rock the foundations of Capitol Hill by unmasking the most prominent dark money slush fund in the country.
It’s all up to Kamala Harris, California’s attorney general, who was elected two years ago on a platform of getting tough on white-collar crime. Her office told reporters today that she is laying out the options for either a criminal or civil investigation into this major secret money group.
First, some background:
• On October 15, a mysterious nonprofit in Arizona called Americans for Responsible Leadership cut a stunning $11 million donation to a committee in California dedicated to defeating Prop 30 (a ballot initiative to raise taxes to fund the budget) and passing Prop 32 (an anti-union effort to ban payroll deductions), but didn’t disclose where that money came from. The move violated a brand new rule in California mandating that even 501(c) nonprofits disclose the source of their donations.
• Three days later, on October 18, Common Cause, a government watchdog, filed a complaint with the California Fair Political Practices Commission asking for an inquiry. The commission, a state campaign finance regulator that puts the Federal Election Commission to shame with its aggressive pursuit of the public interest, took up the case and on October 25, advised Americans for Responsible Leadership that it had 25 hours to comply with a request for information about the source of that $11 million check.
• Americans for Responsible Leadership hired Holtzman Vogel, a DC-area law firm retained for years by Karl Rove and other Republican leaders, to try to quash the FPPC’s requests, claiming at one point to a local judge that the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision protected the group from having to disclose its donors. As the Sacramento judge accurately observed, the Citizens United decision did no such thing.
• In a surprise last week, an appellate judge, without comment, agreed with the Arizona group in preventing the FPPC from action. This forced a late minute appeal that led to an emergency decision by the California Supreme Court, which ruled 7-0 on Sunday to force disclosure.
And that brings us to the revelation this morning that Americans for Responsible Leadership received the $11 million from Americans for Job Security, a trade association based in Virginia. Americans for Job Security, founded by two Republican operatives who now handle media-buys for Karl Rove’s American Crossroads Super PAC, is just another coin-operated front group. In the past, corporations have given it large sums in exchange for negative advertising in campaigns and lobbying efforts.
In the letter to regulators, Americans for Responsible Leadership conceded that Americans for Job Security in turn received the $11 million from yet another nonprofit, this one called Center to Protect Patients’ Rights.
The FPPC’s chair, Ann Ravel, says the trail of dummy nonprofits is a clear sign that the Arizona nonprofit behind the $11 million donation was engaged in “campaign money laundering.” It’s obvious to anyone that Americans for Responsible Leadership is still playing shell games. The two nonprofits it disclosed do not give any real information about the individuals or corporations that provided the money for the $11 million check.
Here’s why this now gets very interesting.
As I reported exclusively in May, the Center to Protect Patients’ Rights—the group that is, at this point, the closest thing we know about the origin of the $11 million in California—is the hub for billionaire donors to funnel cash to attack ad campaigns across the country. Sean Noble, the president of the group, is a key deputy to the Koch brothers’ political machine. He helps run weekly meetings with other Republican Super PACs to coordinate spending. As head of the Center to Protect Patients’ Rights, he doles out checks to various nonprofits that in turn use that money to pummel Democrats with negative advertising.
Noble’s strategy centers on brand marketing. To appeal to Catholic voters, his group will cut a check to a right-wing religious nonprofit, like the Susan B. Anthony List, to run ads accusing Democrats of supporting abortion. To make an appeal to elderly voters, the Center finances a nonprofit called the 60 Plus Association to run ads accusing Democrats of cutting Medicare. The list goes on, from organizations dedicated to scare tactics against Muslim Americans to Tea Party groups, Noble has channeled billionaire cash to a stunning array of different fronts that then air nasty negative ads during elections. The public only sees the brand at the end of the commercial, but never the true source of the money. Quirks in nonprofit law allow even the most modest forms of disclosure—the transfers from one group to the next—to be kept secret until over a year after the election. That’s why we learned about the transfers during the midterm elections only this year.
Noble’s group completely altered the shape of Congress. During the 2010 election cycle, Noble’ group funneled some $55 million, which in conjunction with the US Chamber of Commerce’s $75 million, lifted House Republicans into the majority, radically shifting the balance of power in Washington, DC. This year, it’s pretty clear that shadow money groups active in federal elections across the country are again depending on this pool of untraceable money.
The right-wing billionaire clique, rumored to be the same group of tycoons who attend the posh Koch strategy conferences, is obessed with secrecy. They were quick to kick me out of one of their confabs earlier this year, and have used every legal instrument available to prevent their names from being revealed. Accordingly, Center for Protecting Patients’ Rights pushes the limits of campaign finance law, but rarely violates it.
Even in California, a nonprofit can avoid disclosure laws by claiming to only support issue advocacy.
That’s where the operatives messed up. The $11 million they financed in California went to an explicit campaign committee, voiding any argument that the donation was in pursuit of an “issue” rather than a political campaign. There’s no grey area here; the money was part of a campaign donation, and its true donors, meaning the people behind the Center to Protect Patients’ Rights, must be disclosed.
Kamala Harris seems determined to pursue a criminal investigation. But will she?
The growing scandal resembles another eleventh-hour Koch campaign effort. In 1996, a resurgent Clinton administration came close to helping Democrats retake the House of Representatives. In the closing days of the 1996 election, a nonprofit group called Triad Management helped two other nonprofits air $3 million in television ads in twenty-six House races and three Senate races. The money saved Speaker Newt Gingrich’s majority.
A subsequent investigation found that more than half of the Triad money came from an organization funded by David and Charles Koch, and that the money was spent disproportionately in areas where Koch Industries owned refineries and pipelines. The investigation also found that Koch Industries provided direct corporate money for the ads, an apparent violation of campaign finance law at the time.
At the time of the Senate investigation, Koch Industries had been building up its lobbying muscle to combat charges relating to over 300 oil spills caused by the corporation in the mid nineties.
Just as The Wall Street Journal reported on many Triad-related documents, Koch received help from its allies in DC. In October of 1997, Senator Fred Thompson (R-TN)—then, the chair of the Senate Government Affairs Committee—moved to cancel hearings into the investigation.
Today, the dynamics are different, but the core issue is the same. A Koch-group was caught violating the law, and there’s a chance to uncover the truth about one of the biggest secret money efforts in American history. It’s likely that Koch and these billionaires will do anything it takes to prevent this current scandal from growing.
Attorney General Harris will decide whether or not to pursue an investigation into the $11 million donation. The result of the effort may reveal who really purchased Congress for the last two years, and the next two.
Katrina vanden Heuvel recently made the case against dark money on MSNBC's Up with Chris Hayes. Watch here.

A picture of a sign posted recently inside a CONSOL Energy workplace.
In a bid to assert their influence on issues relating to climate change as well as environmental and labor regulations, fossil fuel companies are making an unprecedented election-season push. Documents obtained by The Nation reveal that oil, gas and coal companies are taking advantage of the Citizens United Supreme Court decision to not only blanket swing states with ads but also push their employees and contractors into voting GOP.
CONSOL Energy, a fracking and coal company active in Appalachia in key states like Pennslyvania and Ohio, announced this week that they will soon be laying off workers because of President Obama’s policies. As the company released the impending job cuts, CONSOL’s CEO, Brett Harvey, went on Fox Business Network to praise Romney, claiming that he “understands coal” and will move forward to create “red, white and blue jobs.”
Harvey’s company, like many in the fossil fuel industry, is also pressing its case directly to workers. Workers at CONSOL at its corporate headquarters in Washington, Pennsylvania are greeted with signs imploring them: “I pledge to vote for American Energy Coal & Natural Gas.”
CONSOL Energy has also mailed voter guides to its 8,800 employees located primarily in Pennsylvania, West Virginia and Ohio that endorse Mitt Romney for president. The guides, obtained exclusively by The Nation, state that “Obama’s environmental policy is frequently described as a ‘War on Coal’ ” and goes on to state how Obama’s environmental policies effectively bar the construction of new coal power plants. The CONSOL Energy Voting Guide also states that Mitt Romney “will implemented measured reforms of environmental statutes and regulations to strengthen environmental protection without destroying jobs, paralyzing industry, or barring the use of resources like coal.”
In a letter we obtained from Petroleum Helicopters Inc. CEO Al A. Gonsoulin to his 2,000 employees blasting Obama policies, Gonsoulin writes, “No credible or reasonable argument can be made to justify or defend the current administration’s negative attitude and undeniably abusive policies directed toward and against the oil and gas industry that we at PHI depend upon for our corporate or personal livelihoods.”
The Nation has also obtained a letter blasting the Obama administration sent recently to natural gas lease-holders in North Dakota. In the letter, Continental Resources CEO Harold Hamm urged recipients to elect Republican Rick Berg to the US Senate. Hamm, a billionaire who is credited with helping author Romney's energy plan, writes that Berg “has consistently fought for lower taxes for us” and warned that “your opportunity to receive royalty and bonus payments may also be impacted” by the election. The Citizens United decision liberated corporations to not only endorse candidates to their workers but also express similar election communications to their vendors and customers.
Last month, In These Times magazine revealed that Koch Industries, a company highly involved in the fracking industry, has incorporated almost every facet of electioneering into its campaign push. The company, which has chemical facilities and Georgia Pacific plants employing up to 2,000 in Ohio and Pennsylvania, has sent a letter advising its workers to support Romney.
The move underscores how partisan the coal and gas industry has become.
CONSOL’s voter guides have been distributed in conjunction with their lobby group, the National Mining Association, which has mobilized coal companies throughout Ohio to get out the vote. Alpha Natural Resources, Patriot Coal, Caterpillar and Rosebud Mining Company have also posted links for their workers to view the NMA’s “Mine the Vote” voter guide.
The stakes are high. The NMA, which has purchased 150 election-themed billboards in states like Ohio and Virginia, has made legislation to exempt coal companies from laws regulating coal ash in drinking water a top priority on Capitol Hill. Though coal firms have tried to portray Obama as simply “anti-coal,” lobby disclosures show that they have spent much of their money seeking to undercut an overhaul in safety standards. The NMA led the charge in defeating a bill to update mine inspection rules in the aftermath of the Upper Big Branch disaster.
One NMA billboard reads “Obama’s NO JOB ZONE” over a map of Appalachian states.
Workers are quickly learning that in this election, coal company executives will do anything it takes to elect the Romney-Ryan ticket. Earlier this year, the largest privately held coal company in the United States, Murray Energy—another NMA member company—was caught forcing its workers to stand behind Romney at a political rally. Now, the NMA has released a new campaign video featuring that rally to claim Romney supports coal jobs. A later investigation by The New Republic also revealed that Murray Energy’s CEO was calling out in e-mails employees who did not donate to his list of preferred GOP candidates.
Spend a day on the campaign trail in one of the swing states, and the influence of the fossil fuel lobby is hard to escape. A bus tour from a group called “FACES of Coal,” a NMA-backed organization, is touring Virginia and other states along with Republican candidates. NMA’s other publicity vehicle, “Count on Coal,” is using social media to spread the word about the election. And on CNN and major television networks, yet another coal lobby trade group, American Coalition for Clean Coal Electricity, has spent some $12 million so far.
Coal and gas companies are powering even the biggest Super PACs. Americans for Prosperity, a right-wing advocacy group financed by Koch that is spending over $140 million this year, just announced $3 million in television ads in Michigan and Pennsylvania, and has at least five field offices in the Keystone State. Six-figure donations from Oxbow Carbon, Alpha Natural Resources and Cumberland Natural Resources have allowed pro-Romney Super PACs American Crossroads and Restore Our Future to saturate states like Ohio with negative television ads.
The fossil fuel industry is expected to be working to overcome the revived sense of urgency to address climate change after the devastation of Hurricane Sandy. House Democrats are again urging hearings on the effect of global warming on extreme weather events. Next year, the Environmental Protection Agency will continue to develop regulations to curb carbon emissions. Corporations reliant on burning fossil fuels are hoping a change in administration, or more pro-polluter pressure from Capitol Hill, could overturn the EPA’s efforts.
Jack Gerard, president of the American Petroleum Institute, the lobbying group that represents CONSOL Energy and other companies pressuring their workers to support the Romney-Ryan ticket, may have the chance to orchestrate a major political payback if President Obama is defeated on Tuesday.
According to insider reports this week, Gerard is among the top contenders to be Romney’s White House chief of staff, or his secretary of energy. For Gerard to get the job, it may depend on efforts by fossil fuel companies to convince workers that they could lose theirs if Obama wins.
Murray Energy Corporation replies to the allegations in this post.
The New York Times has a fascinating scoop detailing how one of Mitt Romney’s sons, Matt, made a business trip to Russia this week to solicit funds for his real estate company, Excel Trust. According to the Times, Matt told a Russian “known to be able to deliver messages to Mr. Putin” that “despite the campaign rhetoric, his father wants good relations if he becomes president.”
The story is sure to undercut Mitt’s campaign effort to paint President Obama as too soft on Russia. Only last week, a pro-Romney group began airing an ad accusing Obama of securing the “dictator vote” of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Aside from siphoning the life from Romney’s position as a Russia hawk, this trip may also preview the type of family business-related conflicts of interest that are already becoming an issue for the candidate. For one thing, if Matt is going to deliver a foreign policy announcement about his father during a business meeting, isn’t that a clear message to his potential partners that he has special access to policymaking?
Are the Russians more motivated to invest with Matt’s firm now that they know they could be dealing with the future president’s son? The Times reveals that Matt made the trip to Russia to persuade officials to invest sovereign wealth funds with his company, which owns shopping centers in the United States. If Matt keeps relaying substantive policy messages through his firm, he might seem like a good investment if you’re a foreign politician.
Earlier last month, I reported on a similar dynamic that is occuring with another Romney family enterprise, Solamere Capital. Solamere Capital is a “fund of fund” private equity firm that was founded by Tagg Romney, Mitt’s eldest son, with money and help from his father. What sets the firm apart is its incredible network of business partners, which include some of the leading private equity firms in the country.
My story focuses on how many of Tagg’s investment partners own federal contractors plagued by accusations of wasting taxpayer money, from a company that makes Medicare scooters to several for-profit colleges. Tagg’s connections to a Romney White House coud mean millions of dollars for himself and his investors. Already, Mitt has gone out of his way to praise a company — Full Sail University, a for-profit college in Florida — that is owned by a Tagg investment partner (the partner is also a major Romney campaign contributor). Moreover, Romney’s education plan, which would funnel more taxpayer dollars to these types of proprietary schools, already some of the most expensive and lowest performing in the nation, could enrich his son. It’s a particularly bad form of crony capitalism, because debt-ridden students and taxpayers are the only ones who do not benefit in the deal.
There’s a line between succeeding financially because of independent effort, and succeeding financially because of political connections. Romney’s family is already wealthy — but that apparently isn’t stopping them from potentially hopping over that line.
Read Lee Fang's piece on Tagg Romney and Solamere.
Two of the pivotal field offices in the country making phone calls to voters in swing states aren’t in Ohio or Colorado—they’re in Idaho Falls and Rexburg, Idaho.
Frank VanderSloot, head of a controversial “multi-level marketing” corporation that sells dietary supplements and cleaning supplies, is donating two of his company’s offices to Americans for Prosperity (AFP) to “create one of the largest call centers in the nation.” According to local reports, AFP is recruiting teenagers and others in Idaho with a promise of $10/hour to make anti-Obama calls to voters in key states. The combined efforts of VanderSloot, an avowed conservative billionaire and financier of the Romney Super PAC, and AFP, the dark money group led by the Koch brothers, may be Romney’s last hope in unseating President Obama.
The conventional wisdom, expressed by several media outlets in recent weeks, is that Obama’s campaign has an incredible advantage because of its “ground game.” The Obama team, the story goes, has more field offices than Romney, and will use these assets to better deploy get out the vote efforts through Election Day.
While it’s true that Obama has considerably more field offices than his opponent, especially in swing states, the campaign-versus-campaign comparisons belie a shift in resources on the right. Hundreds of millions of dollars—most of it from right-wing fronts that do not disclose their donors—are being spent to bring pro-Romney voters to the polls. Thanks to a loose interpretation of our disclosure laws, these electioneering efforts have gone largely undetected by the Federal Election Commission, making them even more secretive.
In recent years, Republicans have invested incredible sums to develop groups focused on grassroots organizing. American Majority, the dozens of State Policy Network institutes, Americans for Prosperity, FreedomWorks and American Action Network are among the new or recently expanded conservative nonprofits that spend a significant amount of their budget just on organizing. AFP, which has a $140 million budget this year, up from $14 million in 2008, has about 200 paid staff going into the election.
These groups, along with the unprecedented effort by large employers and trade associations to coerce their employees into voting GOP, might more than level the ground game between Romney and Obama.
Take Ohio, the state that is likely to decide the election. In the Buckeye State, Obama has 131 field offices compared to Romney’s forty. That may seem like a stark difference until you consider Romney’s outside-money allies.
American Majority has four offices in Ohio directing efforts to bring people door-to-door to “Fire Obama;” Americans for Prosperity has six offices in the state and at least four paid organizers; and FreedomWorks is coordinating with at least seven local Tea Party groups to GOTV. Other right-wing groups sending field staff to Ohio: Heritage Action, the NRA, the Susan B. Anthony List, the Republican Jewish Coalition, Crossroads Generation, True the Vote and the Faith and Freedom Coalition.
Ohio is also ground zero for a number of large companies that have pushed their employees towards the GOP. Murray Energy, the privately owned coal company based in Pepper Pike, Ohio, reportedly forced its workers to attend a pro-Romney rally without pay. Cintas Corporation, a Cincinnati-based firm, sent an election-related letter complaining about Obamacare.
The problem in comparing Romney and Obama’s campaign resources is one of transparency. Traditional campaign committees, like Romney for President or Obama’s Organizing for America, must report every expense; so we know how much each is spending on field operations—leading many in the media to proclaim that Obama is better prepared to mobilize his base.
There are other factors to consider. Many large evangelical churches in Ohio have indicated that they will distribute pro-Romney voter guides. Labor unions, which are subject to disclosure requirements from the Department of Justice and FEC, are deploying to augment the Obama campaign’s outreach to voters.
But it’s difficult to discern how much dark money groups like the US Chamber of Commerce or Americans for Prosperity are devoting to GOTV, or how much employers are spending to communicate with their workers on the election or even offer rides to the polls. At the end of the day, Romney appears to not only have an advantage on the airwaves through paid media; he’ll enjoy considerable support connecting to voters.
Lee Fang blogs about the intersection of money and politics. Read his previous dispatch on the corporate lobbyists who run our presidential debates.
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Three debates have gone by, and to this date, neither a candidate for president or vice president has been asked about some of the biggest issues facing voters this cycle.
Which candidate will prosecute the financial crimes that led to the disaster in 2008? Who has the best plan to deal with the climate crisis? Poll after poll shows Americans are frustrated with the corrosive levels of corruption and big money in DC, but the moderators have refused to bring up ethics reform. America’s War on Drugs—which has contributed to tens of thousands of deaths in Mexico, racist stop-and-frisk policies in New York, and crackdowns on medical marijuana users across the country—is apparently too taboo of a topic as well.
Why are our debate moderators so reluctant to bring up controversial topics that affect the future of our country? What’s behind this wall of silence?
Maybe it’s worth considering that the men behind the nonprofit managing our presidential debate system are corporate lobbyists.
Take Mike McCury, the Democratic co-chair of the Commission on Presidential Debates. McCurry, a former White House press secretary for President Clinton, works as a Partner at Public Strategies Washington, a Beltway lobbying firm.
McCurry doesn’t disclose all of his clients, but his website lists a number of corporations, including Bain Capital, Bristol-Myers Squibb Co, Lockheed Martin Corporation, the US Chamber of Commerce and Anheuser-Busch. One could argue that McCurry’s work for the beer lobby—which benefits from not having to compete with other drugs, like marijuana—might be a conflict of interest given the debate’s refusal to bring up the failed War on Drugs. (McCurry’s lobbying client, Anheuser-Busch, also helped underwrite the last presidential debate, providing free beer to the journalists at the event.)
Worse, McCurry doesn’t even reveal his entire client list. I took a look at Department of Justice records, and McCurry’s company is also currently being paid over $132,026 to lobby for the Mexican government on issues relating to the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade negotiations. Wonder why none of the debates have covered the TPP—which could have huge implications for the economy?
Frank Fahrenkopf Jr, the Republican co-chair, is the head of a lobbying coalition of casinos and related gambling industries. Fahrenkopf—who was paid $1,920,561 in 2010, according to IRS records—represents firms like Las Vegas Sands Corp, MGM Resorts International, Morgan Stanley, KPMG and Goldman Sachs. Fahrenkopf’s group spends millions on K Street lobbyists and attorneys—retaining even Ropes & Gray, the law firm in charge of Romney’s non-blind trust—to influence federal policy on issues ranging from Internet gambling to tax and labor policy.
Americans deserve a real debate; one that shines a light on our biggest challenges and forces the candidates to draw real distinctions. It’s less than reassuring that we have K Street shills managing our only substantive public forum.
Allison Kilkenny notes another issue missed from the debates: home foreclosures.
In recent weeks, a flurry of news coverage has focused on an undemocratic trend in workplaces around the country: employers telling their workers which politicians they should vote for. CEOs for Murray Energy, Koch Industries, ASG Software and Westgate Resorts have pressured their employees to vote for particular political candidates, like Mitt Romney.
The Nation has found that the phenomenon appears far more wide-ranging than previously known. Businesses throughout Washington State, along with a loose network of hundreds of coal and mining companies, are preparing to urge employees to vote for specific political candidates. Meanwhile, lobbyists in Washington are working furiously to encourage more corporations to adopt these tactics.
One of the lesser-known consequences of the Citizens United decision is how corporations gained the power to explicitly recommend candidates to their rank-and-file workers. Before, corporations were limited to mostly encouraging civic participation. Now, managers can make political appeals for a candidate in the workplace.
This November, corporations are testing their new Supreme Court–granted rights for the first time in a presidential election. The coal industry is a good place to observe this shifting landscape.
Since 2004, lobbyists for the coal and mining industry have promoted something called “Mine the Vote,” an effort to organize employees and get them to the polls.
The lobbyists, working for the National Mining Association, have taken advantage of their new freedoms to make that effort more aggressive. They have produced a voting guide website called “Mine the Vote,” which they are promoting to their 325-member companies as a means to encourage employees to vote for Mitt Romney. The same website also lists endorsements for Congress, which skew Republican and conservative Democrat.
Patriot Coal, Caterpillar and Rosebud Mining Company are among the mining industry companies that have posted links to Mine the Vote. “It is vital that we elect candidates that support American mining, so we have provided a guide to show you which candidates supported by NMA PAC’s,” a message with the effort explains. The National Mining Association has distributed get-out-the-vote posters featuring information about the voting guide website for managers to post in workrooms.
James Kahl, a corporate attorney advising a number of business associations, wrote in a memo for his clients that the Citizens United decision appears to legalize a number of workplace electioneering efforts. Corporations may now “express electoral preferences to employees” as well as distribute voter guides authored by executives, wrote Kahl.
It was the same conclusion reached by Karl Crow, a political operative who helped the conservative Koch brothers develop their “Themis” grassroots strategy this year. In an article published several months after the court decision, Crow approvingly cited another prominent Republican attorney, Cleta Mitchell, who argued that Citizens United opens the door for businesses to educate “their employees, vendors and customers about candidates and officeholders whose philosophies and voting records would destroy or permanently damage America’s free enterprise system.” Koch Industries had a head start. As Mike Elk and Mark Ames reported in The Nation, Koch began pressuring employees to vote GOP for the midterm elections two years ago.
The effort may spread like wildfire in offices and factories across the country. On Thursday, the US Chamber of Commerce, a lobbying association that represents companies like Dow Chemical and Prudential Financial, kicked off a campaign to have employers stuff payroll envelopes with explicit campaign propaganda. The first political mailer is being distributed in Massachusetts and in bold letters reads “Defeat U.S. Senate Candidate Elizabeth Warren.”

The Chamber, ABC News reports, says it hopes to reach 7 million people.
“The real concern here is…the inherent power dynamics between employees and their employers,” Adam Skaggs, a senior counsel with the Brennan Center for Justice, explained recently on Current TV. An official e-mail from the boss saying something like “your job could depend on who wins the race” could be interpreted as coercion or intimidation, said Skaggs.
Of course, not all employee electioneering benefits the Republican Party. In 2010, the casino company Harrah’s worked closely with Senator Harry Reid’s (D-NV) reelection effort. “Waking up to the defeat of Harry Reid Nov. 3 will be devastating for our industry’s future,” one Harrah’s executive wrote in an e-mail mobilizing employees to get to the polls.
Only weeks after his re-election, Reid introduced fast-tracked online gambling legislation, which many saw as a payback to companies like Harrah’s. The case of Harrah’s, though, differs from the other examples of workplace electioneering since the company worked in concert with their union, which was democratically elected as a representative of the employees.
More and more businesses seem to be jumping in the game, hoping to score future favors from other lawmakers, even presidents. And they have help.
The firm that helped develop Koch Industries’ pro-Romney employee advocacy effort is called DDC Advocacy. The firm is led in part by Sara Fagen, Karl Rove’s former deputy known for her innovative uses of consumer data in the 2004 Bush re-election effort. DDC Advocacy is part of a cottage industry of Beltway consultants who specialize in helping businesses activate their employees and customers into-mini lobbyists. Currently, DDC is working for Boeing, Aetna, Altria, Humana, Ernst & Young, and other Fortune 500 corporations.
Its not clear if DDC Advocacy is replicating the type of explicit candidate endorsements pioneered by Koch for these other companies.
Though the extent to which businesses will fully embrace employee coercion is yet to be seen, there could be wide ranging consequences up and down the ballot.
In Washington State, a lobbying association for the homebuilding industry recently distributed a sample letter for its member companies to give to employees. The sample letter was sent along with a voter guide instructing workers to support Rob McKenna, the Republican candidate for governor. Government is pushing “businesses like ours closer to shutting our doors,” the letter warns.
The letter also states that employees should review the voting guide “when filling out your ballot.” It sternly reminds them to use the guide “as you cast your vote in November.”
For more on the expanding effort to coerce employee political participation, read George Zornick’s report on how Herman Cain is training business owners to get active this fall.

Kristen Luidhardt is a former GOP staffer who now leads the Prosper Group, a consulting firm behind the group airing the “Obama Phone” ad.
A consulting firm with close ties to congressional Republicans—from Senator Scott Brown (R-MA) to freshmen Congressman Tom Reed (R-NY)—is behind the group airing one of the most offensive new ads in the presidential campaign.
A group calling itself the “Tea Party Victory Fund” is garnering attention this week for its new ad called the “Obama Phone.” The ad, which shows an African-American woman praising President Obama for supposedly giving her a free phone, is being run in several areas throughout Ohio:
As The Atlantic and ThinkProgress have reported, the ad promotes a flat-out lie circulated by right-wing media that the Obama administration has provided some type of free phone welfare benefit. In fact, the phone program was established in the 1980s under President Ronald Reagan and continued through the George W. Bush administration. The decision to depict an African-American woman on welfare thanking Obama for her phone appears to be a deceptive ploy to inject racial resentment into the election.
The Tea Party Victory Fund has used former Ohio Secretary of State Ken Blackwell as its spokesperson to push the ad. But the makers of the ad may have much closer ties to mainstream Republicans. According to disclosures with the Federal Elections Commission, the group sponsoring the ad has paid $26,737 to an Indiana-based consulting firm called The Prosper Group (and an affiliate, known as Conservative Connector).
The Prosper Group boasts on its website that it helped Senator Scott Brown raise $12 million online and has worked in the past for Republicans like Pete Hoekstra (R-MI), Allen West (R-FL), Sharron Angle (R-NV), Dan Coats (R-IN), Michael Grimm (R-NY) and Sean Bielat (R-MA). A further search of FEC reports show that freshman lawmakers like Tom Reed (R-NY) and Todd Young (R-IN), as well as Tea Party favorite Richard Mourdock (R-IN) and Senator Brown’s current re-election effort, have made payments this cycle to the firm.
I called the firm earlier today, and spoke to several people. At first, a representative said he would transfer me to the account executive who worked on the ad campaign. Later, someone from the Prosper Group asked how I received contact information with the firm and explained that the firm never had any association with the Tea Party Victory Fund. After some prodding, one of the staffers with the Prosper Group conceded that they had indeed worked with the group sponsoring the Obama Phone ad, but that I should speak with a “partner” of the firm named Jordan Gerhke. Gerhke, a former deputy campaign manager with Sharron Angle’s Senate race in 2010, confirmed with The Nation that he worked on the ad campaign. He however disconnected the call after being asked about work with the Prosper Group.
When asked about the payments from the Tea Party Victory Fund to his consulting firm, another account manager with the Prosper Group named Joe Zapf simply hung up the phone.
Lee Fang is an investigative journalist for The Nation. Read his latest on Tagg Romney's company and its connection to a ponzi scheme-linked firm.

The private equity firm run by Tagg Romney—Mitt’s eldest son, who is now taking a leadership role in guiding his father’s presidential campaign—misled reporters last year about its involvement with a company run by men accused of taking part in a multibillion-dollar Ponzi scheme.
Last year, I reported that Tagg had formed a business partnership with several North Carolina investors who are still facing a lawsuit for receiving bonus pay for selling CDs as part of the $8 billion Stanford Financial Group Ponzi scheme.
In a nutshell, Tagg helped these investors form a company—called Solamere Advisors, a nod to Tagg’s firm Solamere Capital—shortly after their boss, Allen Stanford, was caught by law enforcement for his elaborate Ponzi fraud.
When I interviewed him in Las Vegas, Tagg told me that his associates were “cleared” of any wrongdoing associated with the Stanford Ponzi scheme. Court documents directly contradict Tagg and show that the lawsuit has not been dismissed.
The New York Times followed up on my story with its own report and confirmed that Tagg’s business partners received incentive pay for selling bunk Stanford CDs. They wrote about one Stanford victim, a local Charlotte businessman and philanthropist named Herman Stone. Stone was pressured by Brandon Phillips, an executive working now for Tagg’s firm, into putting $2 million into a fraudulent Stanford CD and lost everything.
Solamere Capital attempted to distance itself from the story by claiming that their business was not actually connected to the Ponzi-tainted firm, Solamere Advisors. In a statement to ABC News, they claimed that their managers, not Solamere Capital itself, were involved (emphasis added):
“It is inaccurate to suggest that Solamere Capital made an investment in this firm [Solamere Advisors]. Solamere Capital was approached to invest in a new wealth management firm being launched by these three individuals. After extensive due diligence, Solamere Capital decided not to invest because the business was at an early stage and did not meet our investment criteria. However, Spencer Zwick, Tagg Romney and Eric Scheuermann each own a minority stake in the business as individual investors.”
However, Solamere Capital’s statement, provided to ABC News, is false. Disclosures from the Securities and Exchange Commission show that Tagg’s company indeed maintains ties with the Ponzi-linked firm, Solamere Advisors.
The claim that Solamere Group didn’t invest directly in Solamere Advisors, the firm employing former Stanford employees, appears to have been an attempt to shield Mitt Romney. Mitt invested about $10 million into Tagg’s Solamere Capital venture, which would suggest Mitt has a direct financial relationship with folks involved in a Ponzi scheme. That’s because Solamere Capital pools together investment money to co-invest in other companies.
According to this form and this form filed with the SEC, Solamere Group owns a large stake in Solamere Advisors (referred to in the documents as “CAMG Solamere.”) So it is impossible to argue that Solamere Capital—the Romney family’s investment company—does not have direct financial ties with Solamere Advisors, the firm filled with executives who sold CDs as part of the Stanford fraud. The Stanford scandal is second only to the case of Bernie Madoff.
The disclosures are made on part of the SEC website enhanced by the new Dodd-Frank law, the Wall Street reform Romney says he wants to repeal.
For more on the complex web of relationships spun by Tagg Romney’s private equity firm, see my new story for The Nation and the Nation Institute.



