Politics, current affairs and riffs and reflections on the news.
FIGHTING BACK IN THE WAR ON WOMEN. Despite the recent Komen victory, the GOP’s extremist attack on women’s health rages on. Senate Minority leader Mitch McConnell declared that the GOP would pursue legislation allowing any employer to deny contraception in health insurance plans. Republican Senator Roy Blunt proposed an amendment to the Affordable Care Act to exclude coverage if an employer claims that it “violates their religious or moral convictions.” This week, the Oklahoma Senate passed anti-abortion “personhood” legislation, affirming that “life begins at the moment of conception.” And Republican lawmakers in Virginia went beyond personhood to outlaw certain types of contraception and mandate an invasive ultrasound procedure for women undergoing abortions.
The Komen victory was a riveting lesson in the power of organized outrage. Yet, as I argued this week in “2012: Year of the Woman,” we need more for long-term progress on women’s reproductive health. We need election of more pro-choice legislators in Congress and state legislatures. As I told MSNBC’s The ED Show, the upcoming election could see a record number of women candidates elected to Congress, with the support of organizations like EMILY’s List. Six incumbents and five challengers, including Mazie Hirono (D-HI), Tammy Baldwin (D-WI), Shelley Berkley (D-NV), Susan Bysiewicz (D-CT) and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) would be the first women to represent their state in the Senate. If the power of organized outrage is channeled into electoral politics, 2012 might prove to be a Year of the Woman and advance women’s voices in decisions about our own health.
ALEC REVISITED. Monday’s New York Times editorial, “The Big Money Behind State Laws,” spotlights the right-wing American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), described as “a little-known conservative organization financed by millions of corporate dollars.” The Times rightly points out ALEC’s pernicious influence in state legislatures across the country. But it was The Nation and the Center for Media and Democracy that—thanks to a leak by Ohio-based activist Aliya Rahman—obtained more than 800 ALEC documents representing decades of model legislation. In an accompanying expose in the August 1-8, 2011, issue, The Nation offered an inside look at the priorities of ALEC’s corporate board and millionaire benefactors: efforts to undermine labor rights, voting rights and healthcare; revamp the prison industry; and strengthen school privatization. Thanks to grassroots momentum in the states, Democratic lawmakers in Arizona and Wisconsin have introduced the “ALEC Accountability Act,” which requires groups pushing model legislation to publicly disclose its funding sources. More on that here.
‘MELISSA HARRIS-PERRY’ DEBUTS ON MSNBC. Tune in this weekend for the debut of Nation columnist Melissa Harris-Perry’s new show on MSNBC. The self-titled Melissa Harris-Perry will follow Up with Chris Hayes, from 10am-Noon ET on weekends. The show promises to bring as much intellectual firepower and incisive analysis on politics and social issues as Harris-Perry has brought to the pages of The Nation, and offer a missing ingredient in much of today’s broadcast news coverage: diversity of perspectives and opinions. For an inside look at the new show, read the New York Times’s Brian Stelter’s profile, available here. And stay updated via Twitter by following her new show—@MHPShow and #Nerdland.
STUDENTNATION: AZ LAW OUTLAWS TEACHING OF LAW, HISTORY OR LITERATURE. In a widely read post at StudentNation— The Nation’s blog devoted to campus-oriented news, first person reports from student activists and journalists about their campus— contributor Angus Johnston reports how a newly introduced legislation in the Arizona State Senate, SB 1467, forces campuses to punish teachers “who engage[d] in speech or conduct that would violate standards adopted by the [FCC]…” Be sure read Johnston’s analysis of the implications of the law, available here.
WELCOME: VICTORIA DEFRANCESCO SOTO. We’re delighted to welcome Dr. Victoria DeFrancesco Soto, fellow at the Center for Politics and Governance at the University of Texas and communications director for Latino Decisions, as a guest-blogger at TheNation.com. Her coverage will center around the 2012 primary campaigns, with a specific eye to their political marketing strategies toward the Latino electorate. Her first blog post on the Arizona primary will look at the strategies the candidates are developing in balancing a courting of the anti-immigrant conservative base against Mormon and Latino Republicans opposed to anti-immigrant legislation. Her blog posts are available here, and be sure to connect with her on Twitter: @drvmds.
VIDEONATION: WISCONSIN’S UPRISING. In this week’s installment of VideoNation, Washington correspondent John Nichols tells the story of Wisconsin’s uprising, the subject of his new book, Uprising: How Wisconsin Renewed the Politics of Protest (Nation Books), out this month. Nichols explains how the popular reaction to Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker’s vicious attack on labor rights transformed American politics and how it revived an “immense amount of hope” in an era of corporate overreach and influence in politics. Nichols explains how exercising one’s fundamental rights can effect major change. He joined Democracy Now! this week on the one-year anniversary of Wisconsin’s uprising to explain how the events in Madison have shaped grassroots actions throughout America. Be sure to read his latest piece, in this week’s issue, on “America’s Youth Uprising.”
As always, thanks for reading. I’m on Twitter—@KatrinaNation. Please leave your comments below.
The Komen turnaround and the White House’s “miraculous” accommodation on contraception both had the feel of movement victories for women—proof that the Republicans’ War on Women has sparked a potent outrage with political muscle.
On the heels of the Komen win, President Obama announced that insurance companies would have to pay for contraception coverage when a religious employer objects to providing it. As Nation columnist Katha Pollitt writes, it’s as if the administration “finally noticed that women out-number bishops.”
But as my inimitable colleague Pollitt also observes, “Women’s health is never just about women’s health, the well-being of the 52 percent of the population that spends around thirty years trying not to get pregnant.”
Almost on cue, Senate minority leader Mitch McConnell announced that the GOP will pursue legislation permitting any employer to deny contraception in their health insurance plans. He said, “The fact that the White House thinks this is about contraception is the whole problem. This is about freedom of religion.”
Thank goodness Mitch is there to let women know when we are mistaking religious freedom for contraception.
And so the War on Women led by Republican men continues to rage. According to the Huffington Post, Republican Senator Roy Blunt is even using a transportation bill to try to amend the Affordable Care Act so that any employer can exclude any aspect of health coverage “by claiming that it violates their religious or moral convictions.” There might be a vote as soon as tomorrow.
In response to this ratcheting up of extremist attacks, women’s health advocates and activists will rely on the same kind of vigilance and activism that countered Komen and also defeated Mississippi’s Fetal Personhood Amendment this fall.
But women need something else too if pro-choicers are to move from defensive victories to making long-term progress on women’s health: the election of more pro-choice legislators in Congress who will have their backs. According to NARAL, staunch anti-choicers outnumber pro-choicers 46-40 in the Senate, and 246-155 in the House. In many state legislatures the picture is similarly bleak.
And yet there are some positive electoral signs that Republican overreach will backfire, making the 2012 elections the kind of historic year for women that we haven’t seen since 1992—known as the Year of the Woman—when four women were elected to the Senate. In fact, EMILY’s List—dedicated to electing pro-choice Democratic women—is calling the upcoming election “W.H.Y. (Women’s Historic Year) 2012.”
In the 12 months since the Republicans took control of the House, EMILY’s List membership has grown from under 400,000 to over 1 million. In 2011—an off year in the election cycle—it added 640,000 new men and women members. (Typically, that number is around 50,000.)
“Lots of this enthusiasm has to do with fighting back against the GOP War on Women; and I think women rightly see the birth control fight as just the next front in that,” says EMILY’s List President Stephanie Schriock.
EMILY’s List is now supporting a record eleven Senate candidates, including six incumbents and five challengers. Each challenger—Mazie Hirono, Tammy Baldwin, Shelley Berkley, Susan Bysiewicz and Elizabeth Warren—would be the first woman to represent her state in the Senate.
In the House, where Democrats need to pickup twenty-five seats to regain a majority, EMILY’s List is supporting nineteen candidates and closely watching more than twenty other races. Eight of the endorsed candidates are facing Tea Party incumbents who took Koch Brothers cash.
Until we win comprehensive campaign finance reform—something all of these Senate candidates are on record as supporting—cash remains all too important. In the 2009–10 cycle, EMILY’s List raised more than $38.5 million. That amount is sure to be surpassed this year given the growth in membership. Schriock says the organization has “never raised as much for candidates at this point in the cycle” and is “on track to raise more money than ever before.”
It also seems that support for Democratic women candidates is attributable to more than choice and health issues. A poll conducted by EMILY’s List on January 31 shows that the issues women consider priorities are the economy, tax fairness, Social Security and Medicare.
“The Republicans’ clear focus on a right-wing social agenda just proves they’re asleep at the switch,” says Schriock. “They’re not just getting their priority issue wrong, they’ve prioritized the wrong issues altogether.”
If the same kind of grassroots energy and activism of recent weeks is sustained in the upcoming election, this indeed might prove to be a Year of the Woman. That would not only strengthen the firewall against a well-funded and relentless Republican War on Women but also serve as something to build on—helping women make real progress in our fight to control decisions about our health.
Editor’s Note: Each week we cross-post an excerpt from Katrina vanden Heuvel’s column at the WashingtonPost.com. Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.
President Obama’s decision to endorse super-PAC money as part of his re-election effort exposed the enduring divisions within the progressive community between pragmatism and idealism. Robert Reich, for example, put his disappointment bluntly: “Good ends don’t justify corrupt means.” Jonathan Chait disagreed, writing that “if you want to change the system, unilateral disarmament seems like a pretty bad way to go about it.”
The ambivalence is palpable—and understandable. I’ve felt it myself. On the one hand, we are seeing our worst fears realized. When the Supreme Court handed down its Citizens United decision, the concern was not just that one party would take advantage of it but that both parties would decide they had to adapt to it. The president has never held high moral ground on campaign finance (he withdrew from public financing in the 2008 campaign) but his willful, if reluctant, decision to submerge himself further in a system that actively stains our democracy is troubling.
And yet, I understand his decision. I even reluctantly agree with it. I remember how massively George W. Bush outspent Al Gore in 2000, both during the campaign and the recount. I remember the price that John Kerry paid for staying within the campaign finance system in 2004, leaving him exposed to the Swift Boat attacks in August as he tried to stretch his public allotment over three months instead of just two.
Editor’s Note: Read the full-text of Katrina’s column here.
A BEGINNING, NOT AN END IN MORTGAGE SETTLEMENT. Thursday’s announcement of the massive $25 billion mortgage fraud settlement comes as a piece of good news in the effort to aid struggling homeowners while holding banks accountable for their role in the economic crisis. While the full details have yet to emerge, DC reporter George Zornick offers up a preview of the good, the bad and the ugly in the settlement between federal and state officials and five major banks. The deal certainly falls short in helping borrowers cope with the costs of underwater mortgages, but as Zornick points out, the immunity to prosecution granted to banks remains narrow. More importantly, the authority granted to the new federal unit charged to investigate fraud, co-chaired by New York State Attorney General Eric Schneirderman, remains intact. As I’ve argued, Schneirderman is the right man at the right moment and is already at work issuing subpoenas. He exemplifies the commitment and willpower necessary to ensure we finally see some accountability and restitution for the havoc wrought by recklessness and greed. The biggest battles, however, have yet to be fought.
LESSONS FROM PLANNED PARENTHOOD. In a long line of targeted attacks against the progressive infrastructure, right-wing zealots met their match when they pressured the Susan G. Komen foundation to cut off funding to Planned Parenthood for breast-cancer screenings. An inspiring outpouring of online and offline outrage and criticism led Komen to promptly reverse itself and send its vice president (and political opportunist), Karen Handle, packing. But her exit, as Ilyse Hogue points out this week, is largely symbolic, and reflective of “a sophisticated political operator who may have gotten exactly what she wants.”
I explained this week that there are key lessons to be drawn from the power of organized outrage. We’ve seen it on display in Ohio: popular opposition to a proposal that would gut union rights, and in Wisconsin where over a million citizens organized to recall Governor Scott Walker. In the end, these victories for workers and women are defensive ones; they don’t advance collective bargaining rights or reproductive healthcare for women and instead stymy efforts to take them away. With enough people power channeled through grassroots activism, battles over raising the minimum wage or paid sick days for working people can begin on our ground and on our terms.
HOW WISCONSIN RENEWED THE POLITICS OF PROTEST. For nearly a year, Wisconsin has been the epicenter for the battle over labor rights. From Governor Scott Walker’s vicious proposals to cut collective bargaining rights for workers, to the inspiring protests and ensuing political drama, to the historic recall efforts currently underway to remove Walker from office, The Nation’s Washington correspondent John Nichols has covered it all. A seventh-generation Wisconsinite, Nichols brought us to the front lines of the historic battle over hard-won labor rights. On Monday, February 13, join me and Nichols for a lively discussion about his new book, Uprising: How Wisconsin Renewed the Politics of Protest (Nation Books), the culmination of his tireless reporting for TheNation.com and which offers a comprehensive look at how change is sweeping the world, from Tahrir Square to Wall Street to Madison, Wisconsin. More details on the event here.
VOICES OF CONSCIENCE. Nation contributing writer Eyal Press’s forthcoming book, Beautiful Souls, takes us on a journey into the minds of nonconformists, whistle-blowers and “refuseniks,” people who do “something risky and transgressive when thrust into a morally compromising situation…[who] stop, say no, and resist.” In a powerful essay in this week’s issue, adapted from the book, “Voices of Conscience in Israel” introduces us to Avner Wishnitzer, an IDF solider who refused to serve in the occupied territories on account of the harsh treatment of Palestinians. Press weaves powerful narrative with deeply reported interviews to glimpse inside the mind of what impels people like Wishnitzer to stand up and resist. Be sure to listen to this week’s episode of Nation Conversations with Press and managing editor Roane Carey for more on Wishnitzer’s refusal to serve and what it means to ask bigger questions about ones role within the confines of Israeli democracy.
A BRIEF HISTORY OF DRONES. While much of today’s national security reporting focuses on the use of unmanned drone aircraft in covert military operations, little has been written to help us understand their development and implications of use. In this week’s cover story, John Sifton, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch, weaves current reporting and understanding of drone technology, with the history of their use in modern warfare and impact on our understanding of violence in war. “The unique technology,” he writes, “allows the mundane and regular violence of military force to be separated further from human emotion…” foreshadowing “the idea that brutality could become detached from humanity.” Be sure to read that here, and listen to Sifton and executive editor Betsy Reed discuss the policy implications as well as how the use of drones relates to animal behaviorist theories of aggression and post-traumatic stress disorder.
As always, thanks for reading. I’m on Twitter—@KatrinaNation. Please leave your comments below.
In 2010, when the right-wing echo chamber succeeded in destroying ACORN—a group Bill Moyers described as “more devoted to helping poor people become their own best champions” than any group he’d ever covered as a journalist—Senator Bernie Sanders offered this warning:
“These same forces drummed Van Jones out of the White House. The rightwing echo chamber is now two-for-two, and no one should have any illusions that it won’t be back.”
Sanders’ words proved prescient. Since 2010 Planned Parenthood—along with organized labor—has been a prime target of a well-funded and relentless effort by Republicans to dismantle and destroy progressive institutions. While the right might employ different tactics depending on the target, the goal is the same: take down progressive groups that have institutional strength.
This strategy was starkly revealed again last week when the Susan G. Komen for the Cure Foundation announced its decision to end funding for Planned Parenthood based on a (bogus) investigation launched by House Republicans into whether taxpayer money is being used to fund abortions. Komen attributed its decision to an internal policy not to fund organizations under federal investigation. There are reports, however, “that the rule was adopted in order to create an excuse to cut off Planned Parenthood.”
The attacks on Planned Parenthood—and the way the organization fought back—made me think back to the battle that progressives lost over ACORN. It seems worthwhile revisiting a few lessons learned from that devastating loss.
In ACORN’s case, the right’s plan of attack involved playing distorted video footage over and over again on Fox, and then steamrolling an unconstitutional de-funding of the organization through Congress as too many feckless Democrats—even some normally good allies—capitulated. Only later did the public learn that the “shocking” videos were fabricated, and at least forty-six federal, state, and local investigations cleared ACORN of wrongdoing. (Much too late for ACORN to survive, though new groups are emerging to try to fill its void.)
In the aftermath, it was clear that when the right strikes, retreat and capitulation lead to tougher attacks. Instead, standing up for our principles and taking our own side in an argument seem to work time and again. What’s also key is a strategy for pushing back that actually builds activism and a network of supporters inside and outside the organization who won’t allow the right-wing echo chamber to frame or dictate media coverage.
Planned Parenthood turned out to be a much more formidable foe for the right, perhaps because it’s involved in the lives of one out of every six women, as the organization’s president Cecile Richards notes. Its savvy team and allies wasted no time in fighting back via social media, live media, and with Congressional and local allies. They engaged their followers—and others coming to Planned Parenthood for the first time—on matters of the heart and emotion as well as politics. There was a recognition that Komen’s decision impacted our mothers, our daughters, our friends, our sisters, our neighbors.
The organization and those supporting it also used the controversy to educate the public on the importance of Komen funding for breast cancer screenings for low-income women (especially in rural and underserved areas), and more generally about how abortion services comprise such a small percentage of Planned Parenthood’s healthcare, education and counseling services. A solidarity between women across the socioeconomic spectrum emerged, even local Komen chapters expressed outrage and a top official at the foundation resigned. In short, women everywhere refused to be bullied, and political leaders responded as well.
A flat-footed and overwhelmed Komen was forced to reverse its policy so that Planned Parenthood is once again eligible for funding. But that doesn’t mean Planned Parenthood necessarily will receive it, and though an outpouring of public support more than offset any loss of resources from Komen this year, there’s a need for continued vigilance to ensure that the conservatives’ war on women’s health doesn’t put Planned Parenthood in jeopardy moving forward.
Last week was frightening—and inspiring. Over the past year a similar pushback has been seen in Ohio, where citizens mobilized against a vicious proposal to gut union rights, and at the ballot box overcame millions of corporate dollars spent in support of it. In Wisconsin, more than a million citizens have signed a recall petition to strip Governor Scott Walker of his job because he stripped state workers of their collective-bargaining rights.
But there have also been some real losses, like the right-to-work law signed by Indiana Republican Governor Mitch Daniels last week, or the Virginia bill expected to be signed into law that would require women seeking an abortion to first undergo an ultrasound. Recent progressive victories are mainly defensive ones, and maybe it’s too much to hope for big progressive wins in the current climate. But there are some key campaigns that hold promise for important advances, like raising the minimum wage, and paid sick days for working people.
In that context, the outpouring of support for Planned Parenthood last week demonstrated once again the power of organized outrage—people coming together to say simply and loudly and in no uncertain terms, “Enough.” It’s a refrain and a kind of people power that will likely be needed again and again, until there is a level playing field in this country.
THE GOP’S NEW SOUTHERN STRATEGY. In this week’s cover story, contributing writer Ari Berman reports how Republicans in virtually every state in the South, including critical swing states like North Carolina, are using the redistricting process to dilute the Democratic party vote. Hoping to build on their gains in 2010, Republicans are using their control of the process in at least twenty states to pack minority voters into districts represented by black Democrats, while diluting the minority vote in swing districts held by white Democrats. As Berman explains, not only does this weaken the Democratic party’s ability to compete in the upcoming November elections, it threatens to undo an integration process in a region with a long and troubled history of racial segregation. Our slideshow this week looks at the familiar faces behind the GOP’s new Southern strategy.
THE ASSAULT ON LABOR IN ARIZONA. At the urging of Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker, Arizona Republicans led by Governor Jan Brewer are racing to implement a series of anti-labor initiatives designed to cripple Arizona’s unions, reports Washington correspondent John Nichols. Brewer, who outlined her anti-union plan at a meeting of the right-wing American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC) in December, announced this week her intent to go above and beyond Walker’s assault on Wisconsin’s public workers. Legislation introduced by her Republican allies in the state Senate—striking for its resemblance to ALEC’s model legislation as revealed by The Nation/Center for Media and Democracy last summer, would effectively end collective bargaining rights for public workers, including public safety unions, end automatic payroll deductions for union dues, and ban compensation of public employees for union work. Nichols joined MSNBC’s The Ed Show Thursday night for the latest on this story.
HOW NEWT CRIPPLED CONGRESS. Emerging bruised and battered from this week’s GOP primary in Florida, Gingrich continues to tout his Reagan “conservatism” and long legacy of leadership in Congress. But as ThinkProgress.org’s Alex Seitz-Wald reports, Gingrich’s “legacy” is far from laudable. “It was Gingrich who made winning, rather than good governance, the chief currency of success,” writes Seitz-Wald. His tenure as Speaker of the House in the 90s was characterized by obstructionist brinksmanship, toxic divisiveness and excessive partisanship. “How Newt Gingrich Crippled Congress” is a must read, and available here.
HOW NEBRASKANS DEFEATED THE KEYSTONE XL PIPELINE. YES! magazine’s Madeline Ostrander offers up an originally reported look at how an unlikely grassroots coalition of farmers and ranchers in Nebraska banned together to oppose the controversial Keystone XL pipeline, and in turn helped catalyze a national campaign that led to the Obama administration’s rejection of the plan. In this week’s episode of Nation Conversations, web editor Emily Douglas spoke with Ostrander about whether the success in Nebraska could translate into a model for use at the national level. Listen to that here.
El País’S JOURNEY TO THE MAINSTREAM. How did a newspaper that once represented a progressive alternative to the status quo ultimately come to be identified with the state? That’s the key question explored in Jonathan Blitzer’s essay, “The Future Is Not What It Used to Be,” in Books & Arts this week. A powerful work of narrative journalism, Blitzer traces the evolution of the Spanish daily over four decades: from a “vanguard force” to a mouthpiece for the state, and how the emergence of the newspaper Público came to fill the void left behind by El País. In this video by web producer Francis Reynolds, Blitzer explains how El País’s evolution leaves lingering questions about how both papers will deal with Spain’s ongoing social and political upheaval.
ACT NOW: CHALLENGING ARIZONA’S BAN ON ETHNIC STUDIES. My colleague Peter Rothberg details how you can join the movement to challenge Arizona state Attorney General Tom Horne’s ruling to ban Mexican American Studies from classrooms across the state. Be sure to read that here and find out how to make your voice heard.
As always, thanks for reading. I’m on Twitter—@KatrinaNation. Please leave your comments below.
In his State of the Union address last week, President Obama announced what Robert Kuttner, co-editor of The American Prospect, describes as maybe “the most fateful political and economic development of the election year”—the formation of an interagency task force to finally investigate the mortgage and lending practices that led to the collapse of the economy and trillions of dollars in lost wealth, with New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman named as co-chair.
It remains to be seen whether Schneiderman will be given the extensive resources and manpower he needs to conduct a thorough and aggressive investigation, or if the Wall Street faction within the Administration will stonewall the process. But I’m confident in this: Schneiderman is the right man for the job, and he’s not about to let himself be co-opted for the president’s re-election bid. Throughout his career he’s been a steadfast champion of causes because they are right, not because they are popular or politically expedient. He’s been successful because he works to move voters closer to his positions, and sets a course toward a better future and better possibilities. If he’s being obstructed, he’ll let people know.
Already, Schneiderman and a few other State Attorneys General have protected the people’s interests by drawing a firm line during negotiations between the federal government, the bankers and their fellow attorneys general on a foreclosure settlement. When most were ready to cave and grant the Big Banks wide immunity—putting their egregious and likely fraudulent behavior into a sealed box never to be examined—Schneiderman refused to sign on, even when he was kicked out of the negotiations. Although no deal is yet finalized, early indications are that it will be a far better one for the public than anyone anticipated, leaving the bulk of bad behavior on the table for possible prosecution (including the securitization and peddling of toxic mortgages, mortgage origination fraud, foreclosure mills and other acts of malfeasance.)
In covering (and working as an editor with) Schneiderman over the years, I’ve grown to admire him as someone who fights for what he calls “transformational politics,” which he described in the pages of The Nation in 2008 this way: “Transformational politics is the work we do today to ensure that the deal we can get on gun control or immigration reform in a year—or five years, or twenty years—will be better than the deal we can get today. Transformational politics requires us to challenge the way people think about issues, opening their minds to better possibilities.… History teaches that the overwhelming majority of elected officials follow movement builders outside government when it comes to the new and risky.”
Schneiderman didn’t settle for a bad deal on foreclosures—he held out for a better one and when outside pressure came to bear on his colleagues they were forced to open their eyes to better possibilities.
That’s one of the reasons why there is such value in having Schneiderman on the inside leading this investigation. He recognizes that it’s popular pressure that has created this “accountability moment,” and he’s sure to make sure that others on the task force see it as well. As he explained on Up with Chris Hayes on Sunday, “This is not just about the president. This is about the American people having risen up over the past year. The political atmosphere right now is so different than it was when I started [addressing] this conflict over giving the banks a [liability] release over a year ago. And that’s not because of me, that’s because of the grassroots uprising that’s taken place across this country.”
The task force has already announced eleven subpoenas, and Schneiderman expects in the next few weeks to see more subpoenas, more agencies taking action, and cases filed. He anticipates “concrete results” in the next six to eight months. He’s confident that he has the resources, the jurisdiction since so many agencies are involved—including the US Attorneys’ offices, the IRS and the CFPB—and the will.
His goal is the same one he’s had leading investigations in New York: “Accountability for those who blew up the economy, relief for those who were harmed, and also just to stop these guys from rewriting history—because [it was] reckless deregulation that caused this crisis,” he told Nation editor-at-large Chris Hayes.
Schneiderman understands he will need mobilization from the outside to make sure his fight on the inside reaches its potential. Then maybe we will finally see some accountability and restitution for the economic destruction caused by greed, recklessness and outright fraud.
THE GOP PRIMARY SIDESHOW. The spectacular twists and turns of the 2012 GOP primary race have thus far made for great entertainment. But in all the antics lie serious implications for the direction and future of our country. As I explained in the Washington Post this week, whether it’s Romney’s “vulture capitalism” or Newt Gingrich’s dog-whistle racism, the Republican platform personifies the corruptions and failed policies that brought us to where we are. On ABC’s This Week, I explained how the schizophrenic GOP primary results are reflective of old patterns that have re-emerged as both Romney and Gingrich threaten to take the country into a poisonous abyss of old grievances at a time when we desperately need new solutions. On NPR’s On Point, I told host Tom Ashbrook we have a rare opportunity to discuss two dramatically different visions for the future of the country, channeling the momentum of the movement that began in Wisconsin, occupied Wall Street and spread across the country.
On the eve of the Florida primary, this week’s episode of Nation Conversations with contributing writer Ben Adler looks at the diverse Florida electorate—cultural conservatives in the north, Latinos in the south, and retirees from across the country. Adler explains the state’s wealthier conservatives may lean more toward Romney, while less wealthy conservatives may be drawn to Gingrich’s culture-wars rhetoric. Listen to that here.
And stay tuned for continued campaign coverage from The Nation’s 2012 team of writers and reporters. DC correspondent John Nichols (@NicholsUprising), contributing writer Ben Adler (@badler), DC reporter George Zornick (@gzornick), contributing writer Ari Berman (@AriBerman), correspondent Ari Melber (@AriMelber), veteran national affairs correspondent William Greider, and contributing editor Robert Dreyfuss.
ABRAMOFF ON LOBBYING AND NEWT GINGRICH. Former Republican lobbyist and convicted felon Jack Abramoff stopped by The Nation’s offices this week to offer some insights into the pervasive grip of money and influence in Washington. He knows well of what he speaks. As a self-proclaimed “killer lobbyist,” Abramoff made a lot of powerful friends during his days peddling influence in DC—from Ralph Reed to Grover Norquist. He witnessed firsthand the dubious lines of what was and wasn’t legal. Having served over three years in federal prison, Abramoff admittedly had a lot of time to think. He offered some bold ideas for reform, including ending Washington’s revolving door by revising the definition of “lobbyist” and banning them from political contributions. In another installment of Nation Conversations, Abramoff argues that reforming the lobbying world will certainly be difficult, but it will also be essential because the system he exploited for so long is not “a system that, whether one’s on the right or the left, one can look at and say, ‘This is good for the country.’ ” He also shares his intimate knowledge of Newt Gingrich, a “lobbyist,” plain and simple, and offers examples of Gingrich’s very unique style of legislating. Be sure to read contributing writer Ben Adler’s account of that discussion, here.
AFTER CITIZENS UNITED. Abramoff’s visit couldn’t have come at a better time—on the heels of the second-anniversary of the Supreme Court’s disasterous decision in Citizens United, at a time when Washington remains saturated in corporate money and influence, and a 2012 primary campaign awash with Super PACs. In our recent issue, DC correspondent John Nichols and Robert McChesney examine the rise of this toxic offspring born of the Citizens United decision and the avalanche of scorched-earth negative campaign ads that now dominate our political campaigns. As our lead editorial in that issue explains, a court case in Montana sets up the first direct challenge to Citizens United; the time is ripe for a constitutional amendment to stem the flood of corporate money that’s poisoning our democracy. In this video, I share ways you can help take back government so it remains one of the people, by the people and for the people.
THIS WEEK IN POVERTY. Each week, Nation contributor Greg Kaufmann offers key statistics that are too often ignored; provides updates on legislative efforts at the national, state, and local levels; reports on the battles activists are fighting in their communities; summarizes cutting-edge ideas, studies and proposals offered by anti-poverty experts and organizations; finds opportunities for action, highlights programs that are working, busts myths and much more. This week, Kaufmann looks ahead to Florida’s GOP primary and offers up a compelling look at what’s happening on the ground: from troubling poverty statistics to a new “wage theft” ordinance that is gaining momentum in the state, as well ways grassroots efforts to protect Florida’s beleaguered farmworkers. Be sure to read that here.
As always, thanks for reading. I’m on Twitter—@KatrinaNation. Please leave your comments below.
I don’t know how Occupy Wall Street will impact the 2012 election, but one thing seems pretty clear: it’s changed the national conversation.
A few short months ago, the corporate media and inside-the-Beltway chatter was all debt and deficits, all the time.
Occupy changed that. It reset the media narrative so it’s more aligned with the true crises of our times—income inequality, downward mobility and economic fairness. It’s also renewed attention to corporate accountability and the corrosive role of corporate money in politics.
Just look at the media’s use of the words “inequality” and “greed” post-Occupy. As Peter Dreier notes, a Lexis/Nexis search shows that US newspapers published 409 stories with the word “inequality” in October 2010. Through September 2011, the number of stories about “inequality” remained roughly the same. But in October 2011, when OWS erupted across the country and overseas, the frequency skyrocketed to 1,269 stories.
You can see a similar pattern with stories on “greed.” Between October 2010 and September 2011, “greed” stories fluctuated between 452 and 728. But in October of that year newspapers stories on greed jumped to 2,285.
And the “Occupy Effect” continues. As of mid-January there were 455 mentions of “inequality” in US newspaper articles, and 549 mentions of “greed.” So just halfway through the month, the figures had already reached the total monthly usage pre-Occupy.
As New York Times columnist Charles Blow puts it, “On this point, we must applaud the efforts of the Occupy Wall Street movement. It took income inequality and corporate responsibility out of the shadows and into the streets.”
Here are just some of the articles that reflect the impact of Occupy:
In November, Time magazine ran a cover story, “What Ever Happened To Upward Mobility?” Just this month, the New York Times ran a “dialogue” on “Mobility and Inequality in Today’s America,” as well as a front page story “Harder for Americans to Rise From Lower Rungs.” The Washington Post ran this terrific and humorous piece by Nation contributor Barbara Ehrenreich exploring the disconnect between the über-wealthy and the rest of us. Even Town & Country—the quintessential magazine of the 1 percent—ran “The Millionaires of Occupy Wall Street” this month, which worked hard to portray its crowd as sympathetic to Occupy.
Here’s more: Reuters recently announced a new “Income, Inequality & Access” beat in DC, and posted a great article on poverty-level wages in New York City. Tapping into people’s frustration with the hyper-conglomeratized banking industry, the New York Times ran a 2,500-word profile of a 130-year-old microbank in upstate New York that lends to people in the town with the greatest need, saving residents from losing their homes, and taking modest profits. (Imagine, a bank that puts the people it serves on equal footing with the profits it makes—revolutionary!)
When Occupy Wall Street contributed to the fierce backlash against proposed debit card fees, and the subsequent migration to community banks and credit unions, the media covered the protests at Bank of America and its Big Bank brethren. Now Occupy is being covered as part of the mobilization to get money out of politics, and along with the work of other groups, Occupy helped create the political climate that halted a weak settlement between the Obama administration, state attorneys general and the Big Banks that would have prevented a full and fair investigation into mortgage foreclosure fraud.
Public attention to these issues shows no signs of waning—in fact, just the opposite is true, it’s on the rise and Mitt Romney can’t stop it—no matter what he has to say to protesters, or how much he wants this conversation to be confined to “quiet rooms.” (Read: back-room deals between powerbrokers to preserve and protect the status quo.) Sarah Treuhaft, associate director at PolicyLink, says grassroots equity advocates who have been working on these issues for years are now much more confident to speak up about inequality. That makes sense, since according to the Pew Research Center, conflict between the rich and poor is now “the greatest source of tension in American society,” with two-thirds of Americans describing that conflict as “strong.” The New York Times credits Occupy with making Americans “more aware of the deep inequities in the economy and of the government’s responsibility to act.” President Obama certainly tapped into that trend, making economic inequality and fairness the centerpiece of his State of the Union address this week.
As Election 2012 gathers steam, the corporate media will no doubt fix on the hoopla of the horserace. Independent media has a vital role to play in ensuring that the real issues of our time which are now, at long last, front and center—thanks in no small part to Occupy—remain there.
Editor’s Note: Each week we cross-post an excerpt from Katrina vanden Heuvel’s column at the WashingtonPost.com. Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.
If you had asked me at the beginning of the Republican nomination fight what candidates like Newt Gingrich and Rick Perry would say to win, I would have said just about anything. What I couldn’t possibly imagine was that one of the things they might start saying would actually be the unvarnished, unblinking, stand-up-and-clap-for-it truth.
With their eyes set on Bain’s bane and Mitt Romney’s career, Perry and Gingrich have been astonishingly and appropriately brutal. “There’s a real difference between venture capitalism and vulture capitalism,” Perry told Fox and Friends last week. “I don’t believe that capitalism is making a buck under any circumstances.” Couldn’t have said it better myself.
Gingrich sharpened that point further on Bloomberg.“The question is whether or not these companies were being manipulated by the guys who invest to drain them of their money, leaving behind people who were unemployed,” he said. “Show me somebody who has consistently made money while losing money for workers and I’ll show you someone who has undermined capitalism.” Sing it, Brother Gingrich.
What’s especially ironic about all of this is how much the roles have reversed. Romney, shameless flip-flopper that he is, has stood his ground, while the rest of the Republican field is opportunistically flipping and flopping around him. That, it turns out, is incredibly lucky for the American people, allowing us as clear a picture as we’d ever had of the real Romney just at the moment he’s become the near-presumptive nominee.
Editor’s Note: Read the full text of Katrina’s column here.


