Note: This is my final daily blog piece, after three years, at The Nation. I'll be writing a weekly column here starting next week.
Even ten years after the start of the Iraq war, the question is often asked: Why did it go on for so long? How is it that the American public, after months and then years passed, did not rise up against it in greater numbers? Surely one reason is that they rarely witnessed the true reality of the war on their TV (and computer) screens, unless they visited sites from abroad. From the very start, coverage by US news outlets was sanitized, with images of death filmed or photographed but never shown.
Years later, when images of badly injured or slain American soldiers did appear in our media—usually accidentally or briefly—protests rang out and news outlets often retreated or apologized. But in general, media simply refused to run images such as the one at left by the late Chris Hondros.

A building burns during the bombardment of Baghdad on March 21, 2003. (AP Photo/Jerome Delay, File.)
Coverage of the tenth anniversary of the start of the Iraq war peaked a few days ago and now is trailing off. Most observers—including yours truly—have focused on the run-up to the war and media failures (or apologized for them). But the cheerleading media coverage of the actual US invasion also deserves scrutiny, although it received relatively little criticism at the time.
The banner headline atop The Huffington Post’s media page—for twenty-four hours running now—says it all: WRONG AGAIN. It involves a piece that I wrote, but I don’t think they are referring to me.
The Washington Post killed my assigned piece for its Outlook section this weekend which mainly covered media failures re Iraq and the current refusal to come to grips with that (the subject of my latest book)—yet they ran this misleading, cherry-picking, piece by their own Paul Farhi claiming the media “didn’t fail.” I love the line about the Post in March 2003 carrying some skeptical pieces just days before the war started: “Perhaps it was too late by then. But this doesn’t sound like failure.”
Here’s my rejected piece. The web-based uproar and protest generated massive traffic for that article on Sunday into Monday. I had posted it in nearly identical form here at The Nation last Friday. Enjoy this fun (if pointed) response by Charles P. Pierce at Esquire.
UPDATE The piece below was written, in only slightly different from, on assignment for The Washington Post but killed by the paper's Outlook section on Thursday. They later ran a piece by their own Paul Farhi claiming that the media "didn't fail" on Iraq. When I wrote about this today it drew wide attention across the Web. Follow that all here.
For awhile, back in 2003, Iraq meant never having to say you’re sorry, at least for the many war hawks. The spring offensive had produced a victory in less than three weeks, with a relatively low American and Iraqi civilian death toll. Saddam fled and George W. Bush and his team drew overwhelming praise, at least here at home.
But wait. Where were the crowds greeting us as “liberators”? Why were the Iraqis now shooting at each other—and blowing up our soldiers? And where were those WMD, biochem labs, and nuclear materials? Most Americans still backed the invasion, so it still too early for mea culpas—it was more “my sad” than “my bad.”
Ten years ago, as the US invasion of Iraq began, and I was the editor of Editor & Publisher, I turned to veteran war reporter (then still at The New York Times) Chris Hedges for insight on what was going on—and what was likely coming. On most questions, his was a minority voice. Also, as it turned out, quite prescient.
He told our reporter Barbara Bedway that the US military’s use of embedded reporters in Iraq had made the war easier to see and harder to understand. Yes, “print is doing a better job than TV,” he observed. “The broadcast media display all these retired generals and charts and graphs, it looks like a giant game of Risk. I find it nauseating.” But even the print embeds had little choice but to “look at Iraq totally through the eyes of the US military,” he pointed out. “That’s a very distorted and self-serving view.”
To Hedges this instantaneous “slice of war” reporting was bereft of context. After a few days passed and the US made its relenteless way toward Baghdad, he told Bedway that reporters have a difficult time interviewing Iraqi civilians, and many don’t even try, he says: “We don’t know what the Iraqis think.” The reporters are “talking about a country and culture they know nothing about…. My suspicion is that the Iraqis view it as an invasion and occupation, not a liberation. This resistance we are seeing may in fact just be the beginning of organized resistance, not the death throes of Saddam’s fedayeen.
In this special posting, marking the tenth anniversary of the launch of the criminal Iraq war, here is an excerpt from my book, The Age of WikiLeaks, covering the release of the “Iraq War Logs” more than two years ago and the reaction.
The release of the Iraq documents, some 391,000 in number, was originally set for August. But a week before that happened, Julian Assange told The Guardian’s David Leigh that he wanted a more diverse group of partners for this round, “and asked that Leigh delay publication to give the other outlets time to prepare programs,” Sarah Ellison would recount in Vanity Fair.
Leigh said he’d agree to a six-week delay if Assange handed over so-called “package three,” the biggest leak of all (which would become Cablegate). According to Leigh, Assange said, “You can have package three tonight, but you have to give me a letter signed by The Guardian editor saying you won’t publish package three until I say so.” Leigh agreed.

Thomas Friedman wrote that the United States didn't need to find weapons of mass destruction to justify the war (Michael Wuertemberg, CC 2.0).
As we approach the tenth anniversary of the US attack on Iraq on Tuesday we may face more media coverage of that tragic conflict that we’ve seen in the past two or three years combined. How much of it will focus on the media misconduct that helped make the war possible (and then continue for so long)? We will see, and I’ll be charting it all here.
For the past few days I’ve been spotlighting the high media crimes and misdemeanors committed in the run-up to the attack on Iraq, almost exactly ten years ago, featuring “treasured” journos such as David Brooks and Bob Woodward or even newspapers as a whole (The Washington Post). But it’s The New York Times and Judith Miller, among others, who will truly live in infamy—partly because of the paper’s outsized (perceived) influence.
It’s instructive to review what happened when the paper belatedly owned up to (some) of its misdeeds, in May 2004, more than a year after its misconduct. Jack Shafer famously called it a “mini-culpa.” Bill Keller had replaced Howell Raines as executive editor but Judy Miller was still on board. Jill Abramson now has the top job and Keller writes a column. Michael Gordon is still a star reporter at the paper. Miller, naturally, toils at Fox News. Go here to see what Keller wrote two years ago when he tried to explain why he had been a “reluctant hawk” on Iraq.
The following is excerpted from my book, which was published last week in an updated, expanded e-book edition, So Wrong for So Long: How the Press, the Pundits—and the Media—Failed on Iraq.
The selection of a new pope from Argentina—and questions about his relationship with the dictators who ran that country for so long—should provoke more interest in the Chilean film No, just released in the US following its selection as one of the five Oscar nominees for best foreign film.
It explores the 1988 plebiscite, called in a surprise (but supremely confident) move by longtime dictator Augusto Pinochet, one of the generals whose 1973 coup, backed by the US, overthrew elected Socialist president Salvador Allende. Pinochet was under increasing pressure from abroad—even from the Pope, in a recent visit—to move toward democracy and so he ordered a straight up or down vote on whether he should remain president, figuring that since he controlled all of the main institutions in the country, including the media, he would get a slam-dunk “si” tally.
It didn’t quite work out that way and to the shock of many, in and out of Chile, more than 54 percent would vote “no”—and the country has never looked back, except to condemn the torture and killings and disappearances of that era.
The tenth anniversary of the start of the Iraq War arrives next week but coverage in the mainstream media has been surprisingly sparse. (I’ve already posted more than a dozen pieces here.) What we will likely again hear from commentators, when they get around to it, this year is that George W. Bush may have made the wrong call but he went to war with the overwhelming support of the public and the press.
Actually, this is a myth.
It’s true that polls showed that Americans believed Saddam had WMD—and no wonder, given the deceitful propaganda from the Bush administration—and that they backed an invasion at some point if it came to that. But most surveys also showed about a 50/50 split between those who wanted to go to war soon, and those who wanted to wait for more diplomacy or to give the United Nations inspectors more time to work. (Remember, they had found nothing and then were withdrawn by the president).


