Quantcast

Greg Kaufmann | The Nation

  •  

Greg Kaufmann

Poverty in America: people, politics and policy.

This Week in Poverty: A Wake-Up Call on Housing and Homelessness


An unidentified man, left, watches Allen Duncan, homeless and unemployed, sleep on a sidewalk, Aug. 8, 2011 in New York. (AP Photo/Mark Lennihan)

“They tweet and they titter. They chat and they chitter. But the bear snores on.”
      —from Bear Snores On

Inside the Beltway, the weather has turned cold, trees are mostly bare, and sounds and voices outside are distinct as more and more people remain indoors.

On Capitol Hill, conversations are focused on billions and trillions, cliffs and sequestrations, and theories and suppositions about ongoing negotiations. A thankful media cheers on, discovering a new horserace to replace the one just ended.

But for too many people—most of whom receive little or no attention in this town—there is nothing vague, abstract, or racy about these budget decisions.

Amy Clark is the communications director for the National Low Income Housing Coalition (NLIHC), a nonprofit organization working to ensure that low-income people have decent, affordable homes. She says that NLIHC staff members now regularly receive anxious e-mails from people living in public housing, or who have vouchers they use for rental assistance and whose homes are on the line.

“They are trying to figure out what Congress is doing, and what sequestration is about,” Clark tells me.

A woman with cancer living in New York City—where her voucher is already at risk due to cuts—wrote, “It seems that no one in NYC knows what is going on with the Section 8 voucher program—not even Section 8, Mayor Bloomberg’s office, State Offices, HUD—all these offices I called and no one who answers the phone knows what is going on.”

“Are those of us who have Section 8 in danger of losing our apartments?” asked another person.

“These are individuals who have no other means of living affordably,” says Clark. “If you lose your voucher, and then end up paying half or three-quarters of your income for housing, what do you have left for medical expenses, or for anything for that matter? Sequestration is a really serious personal issue for a lot of people.”

Indeed, the Campaign for Housing and Community Development Funding (CHCDF)—a group of seventy-four national organizations across the country—estimates that the 8.4 percent cut to housing and community development programs that would occur in January under sequestration would result in: a $1.6 billion cut in tenant-based rental assistance, with 185,000 households losing assistance; an $830 million cut in project-based rental assistance, with more than 92,000 households losing their housing if the cuts aren’t restored; a $180 million cut to homeless assistance grants—nearly 146,000 people would be homeless instead of housed; a $32 million cut to housing for the elderly, with 114,000 households receiving reduced unit maintenance and supportive services; a $28 million cut to housing opportunities for persons with AIDS, resulting in more than 4,700 households losing their housing; and a $13 million cut in housing for persons with disabilities, leading to more than 24,500 households receiving reduced unit maintenance and supportive services.

At a time when there are only thirty affordable and available rental units for every 100 extremely low income households, and low-income housing programs serve only about one of four people who qualify for them, sequestration would negatively affect more than 440,000 households currently receiving assistance.

Further, as the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) notes in a paper released this week, funding for housing has already been cut by 6 percent, or $2.5 billion, since 2010. Meanwhile, the number of low-income renter households paying housing costs of more than 50 percent of their income—a financial burden associated with an increased risk of homelessness—has risen by 14 percent over the past two years.

“Federal rental assistance programs have been treading water, while the need for assistance has been climbing dramatically since 2007,” report author Douglas Rice, a senior policy analyst at CBPP, told me.

These housing cuts seem all the more foolish when 82 percent of voters—including 76 percent of Republicans—want Congress and the White House to deliver a plan to cut child poverty in half within ten years. A Children’s HealthWatch study recently published in the American Journal of Public Health concluded: “…the association between housing insecurity and measures of children’s health and development provide evidence of the vulnerability of children who have insecure housing but who are not homeless…. Governmental action and community investment in expanding the supply of affordable housing, increasing funding for housing assistance programs, and stabilizing families in uncrowded housing [that] they can afford can alleviate housing insecurity. Protecting families with young children from being economically forced into crowded conditions and frequent moves should be a policy priority.”

With child poverty already having an economic cost of about $550 billion per year (or 3.8 percent of GDP) in increased healthcare costs, worse educational outcomes, lower worker productivity, and increased criminal justice expenditures, these cuts seem short-sighted at best—especially since affordable housing is associated with increased educational attainment, improved health and increased employment access.

And yet, according to Clark, every year funding for these housing assistance programs is essentially “up for grabs” in Congressional appropriations.

“What we are seeing with sequestration is more extreme and more in the public eye but it happens literally every year,” she says.

That’s why the NLIHC and other housing advocates are pushing for a long-term solution—funding for the National Housing Trust Fund. Signed into law in 2008 by President George W. Bush, it was designed to take the commitment to affordable housing out of the appropriations process by providing a dedicated source of funding. Ninety percent of the funding would be used for the production, preservation, rehabilitation, or operation of rental housing, and 75 percent of those funds must benefit extremely low-income households.

The only problem is this: Congress hasn’t appropriated a single dollar to it. President Obama has sought $1 billion in funding for four straight years to no avail.

“It would be a good start and show that we can do it,” says Clark. “But we are looking for $30 billion annually to make it effective nationally.”

In the short-term, among the recommendations in the CBPP paper is passing the Senate’s version of the fiscal year 2013 HUD funding bill that “averts cuts in the number of families receiving rental assistance, [and] provides modest funding increases for other priorities such as assistance for homeless individuals and families….” The CBPP also suggests that any deficit deal that doesn’t include “substantial new revenues” will force even deeper cuts to rental assistance than will occur under sequester. Translation: no deal—as terrible as that would be for affordable housing—is better than a bad deal.

But in the long-run, advocates say, there needs to be a fundamental shift in federal housing policy.

“If we’re serious about solving homelessness and ending poverty, we’re going to have to put real money into the National Housing Trust Fund,” says Clark. “That means doing things that were unthinkable before the fiscal cliff—like reforming the mortgage interest deduction and using those savings for housing for the lowest income people.”

A Pathway to Ending Homelessness: A Home

In 1992, Pathways to Housing founder Dr. Sam Tsemberis offered a novel approach to ending a seemingly intractable problem: “The cure for homelessness is a home. It’s that simple,” he said.

He developed the “Housing First” model for the most severely psychiatrically disabled and addicted homeless people in New York City. It first provides a person with an apartment, and then combines that housing with comprehensive services in mental and physical health, substance abuse, education and employment. The apartments are scattered throughout a community, which fosters a sense of self-determination and speeds reintegration.

“People want to feel normal,” Christy Respress, executive director of Pathways to Housing DC, tells me. “That doesn’t really happen if ‘home’ is some building that says ‘Pathways to Housing’ across the front, and everyone knows that anyone who walks into that building has a serious mental illness.”

Since its inception, the nonprofit organization has housed more than 2,000 people in New York alone. It now has affiliates in Washington (DC), Philadelphia and Vermont, and the Housing First model is used in programs across the US, Canada, Europe, and Australia. Numerous studies have consistently shown that the program ends chronic homelessness for 85 to 90 percent of participants (in contrast to a 45 percent success rate for programs requiring an individual to “get clean and sober” and take psychiatric medicine prior to receiving housing).

“Eighty percent of people in the program are using alcohol and/or drugs when they come in,” says Respress, “because we are targeting people with severe disabilities who are unable to make it in other programs; or they don’t meet requirements because they haven’t admitted that they have a mental illness, or they haven’t stopped drinking. But they still want housing, and they need a safe place in order to start working on their treatment and recovery.”

What really made the program take off in the late 1990s was a five-year study showing that participants had higher retention rates, improved long-term housing outcomes, and decreased time in jail, emergency rooms, and hospitals—“all three of which are incredibly expensive,” says Respress—compared to participants in programs that require people to accept treatment before being offered housing. These results garnered bipartisan political support for the program.

“Since there is not a belief in the US that there is a ‘right’ to housing, the data is important in making the argument for this kind of investment,” says Respress. “Ultimately, it’s less expensive to have someone in their own, subsidized apartment—with comprehensive wraparound services—than to leave them to fend for themselves on the streets or place them in shelters or more traditional transitional housing programs.”

Pathways provides its wraparound services through Assertive Community Treatment (ACT) teams that use evidence-based care that has been studied since the 1970s. Each team consists of a substance abuse specialist, vocational counselor, nurse, psychiatrist, mental health worker and a peer specialist. The peer specialists are essential because they are recovering from homelessness, mental illness and addiction themselves, and show the client that recovery is possible. The team works with its clients in their homes.

“You can teach a person to cook at St. Elizabeth’s Hospital on an electric stove, but then they move into their apartment and they have a gas stove and can’t get to the grocery store. It’s a whole different set of skills, so we do that in their apartment with them, which is also what the clients want,” says Respress.

The total cost for the Housing First program is approximately $22,000–$24,000 annually per client. That’s about $54 a day—compared to a hospital bed at $1,500 a day, a jail cell at $735 a day, or even a shelter with services that costs $78 a day. Even keeping a person homeless costs more money than a Pathways apartment, if you add up the police trips to jail, ambulance use and emergency room visits.

Currently in DC, four Pathways ACT teams—with a clinician-to-client ratio of ome to ten—serve 300 formerly homeless individuals. Additionally, a case management team serves 145 individuals identified by the DC Department of Human Services as the most medically vulnerable and hardest to serve among the chronically homeless population. These clients are also provided with individual apartments and slightly less intensive services, with one case manager for every twenty clients.

The business community has been very supportive of the program, with the Downtown Business Improvement District (BID) and the Golden Triangle BID funding some street outreach services, which receive scant city funding. Six Pathways outreach workers walk the streets, get to know people in the homeless community, and develop trusting relationships that lead quickly to making the offer of housing.

“It’s a fascinating partnership we have with the business community,” says Respress, “because it’s really a cutting edge investment in homeless services. They understand that it could take one year, or five years, for us to develop a relationship with a homeless individual [that results in a home], but we are ending homelessness one person at a time.”

However, the city’s commitment to ending homelessness seems less steadfast than that of the business community. Despite the fact that there are 3,553 homeless single persons in DC—and the National Alliance to End Homelessness estimates that about 25 percent of the homeless population has serious mental illnesses—there is no dedicated source of public funding specifically targeted to address the needs of homeless people living with severe mental illnesses. Respress says Pathways to Housing DC currently has vouchers for 445 units and would need approximately 250 to 300 more to meet the needs of the very most disconnected, psychiatrically disabled homeless people. But even the city’s current vouchers are in jeopardy.

“The city is looking at potentially reducing them by not filling vacancies as people die or leave their apartments,” says Respress. “There’s just no excuse for having people who are homeless on our streets—we know the answer and we have the tools. We can end homelessness in DC today if we put together the advocacy, political will and funding to bring this program to scale.”

You can stay informed and get involved in the effort to end chronic homelessness in the nation’s capital and elsewhere by signing up for the Pathways to Housing e-newsletter here.

Like this article? Support this journalism with a $5 donation now.

Get Involved

Tell Congress: Renew Unemployment Insurance: If Congress fails to reauthorize the Emergency Unemployment Compensation (EUC) program, 2 million workers receiving federal unemployment benefits will be abruptly cut off after December 29. In all, more than 5 million workers will be unable to collect federal unemployment benefits next year if Congress fails to act.

Mobile-ize for Babies: The First 100 Days Poll: ZERO TO THREE is asking people to complete a quick poll, which it hopes will help mobilize Americans to demand that elected officials make very young children a priority during their first 100 days in office.

#TalkPoverty in the Lame Duck: As Congress considers major legislation on deficit reduction, taxes and jobs, Half in Ten provides key information and resources to make the case to protect low-income families in the fiscal showdown.

Articles, clips, etc.

More than 6.5 million people in the US receive food stamps but have no cash income,” Athens County Jobs and Family Services.

Why Women and People of Color Should Be Concerned About the Fiscal Cliff Negotiations,” Sheila Bapat.

House Vote Could Increase Asset Poverty Among Out-of-Work Americans,” Jessica Bartholow.

When it Comes to Job Creation, ‘Do No Harm’ Isn’t Enough,” Elizabeth Lower-Basch, Neil Ridley, and Kisha Bird.

Our segregation footprint,” Steve Bogira.

Single Moms Can't Be Scapegoated for the Murder Rate Anymore,” Philip Cohen.

When Domestic Workers Suffer, Our Economy Suffers,” by Bryce Covert.

In Rare Strike, NYC Fast-Food Workers Walkout,” by Josh Eidelson.

Voices From the Street, Homeless in America,” Equal Voice News.

Workers protest pay, conditions at Walmart warehouses,” Mitchell Hartman.

Why Mass Incarceration Defines Us as a Society,” Chris Hedges.

The Shocking Details of a Mississippi School-to-Prison Pipeline,” Julianne Hing.

McJobs Should Pay, Too,” Sarah Jaffe.

Powerball’s Dark Side,” Natasha Lennard.

Can People Afford to Lose Their Social Security COLA?” Trudy Lieberman.

Group’s efforts at Palermo’s part of worker center movement,” Georgia Pabst.

Poor Kids,” (VIDEO) PBS Frontline.

The GOP’s Holiday Gift Guide: Pain for the Poor, Ponies for the Rich,” Tim Price.

“Deficit Reduction Deal Without Substantial New Revenues Would Almost Certainly Force Deep Cuts in Housing Assistance,” Douglas Rice.

Studies and other resources:

Do Federally Assisted Households Have Access to High Performing Public Schools?” Ingrid Gould Ellen and Keren Mertens Horn, the Poverty Race and Research Action Council (PRRAC). The study finds that Housing Choice voucher holders do not generally live near higher-performing schools than households receiving other forms of housing assistance, even though the program was created in part to help low-income families reach a broader range of schools and neighborhoods.

Long-Run Impacts of Childhood Access to the Safety Net,” Hilary Hoynes, Diane Whitmore Schanzenbach and Douglas Almond, National Bureau of Economic Research. This study finds that “access to food stamps in childhood leads to a significant reduction in the incidence of… obesity, high blood pressure, and diabetes…and, for women, an increase in economic self-sufficiency.”

From Urban Renewal and Displacement to Economic Inclusion,” Marcia Rosen and Wendy Sullivan, published by PRRAC and the National Housing Law Project. This study traces more than thirty years of displacement, community organizing, advocacy and innovative policy development in San Francisco that have helped mitigate the harms of gentrification; it points towards more inclusive redevelopment policies in other parts of the country.

Retail’s Hidden Potential: How Raising Wages Would Benefit Workers, the Industry and the Economy Overall,” Catherine Ruetschlin, Dēmos. The study examines what the economic impact would be if the largest retail chains raised the wage floor for their full-time employees to $25,000 a year. It finds that such a wage standard would lift 734,075 above the federal poverty line. An additional 769,191 people hovering just above poverty would see their incomes rise above 150 percent of the poverty line.

Fair Pay for Women and People of Color in New York Requires Increasing the Minimum Wage and the Tipped Minimum Wage,” National Women’s Law Center. This fact sheet provides context for the largest effort to unionize fast-food workers in the history of the US that is currently taking place in NYC, and shows how women are disproportionately affected by low wages.

Ears Up, Ears Down: A Dog’s Journey Home, Ralph da Costa Nunez, Margaret Menghini and Madeline Gerstein Simon, the Institute for Children, Poverty, and Homelessness. The sixth book in a series on family homelessness and poverty, this new picture book is for children in grades K-2. Embark on a journey with a dog who becomes homeless after the junkyard where he lives is foreclosed.

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $23,021 for a family of four): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Children in poverty: 16.1 million, 22 percent of all children, including more than one in three African American and Latino children. Poorest age group in the country.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20.4 million people, 1 in 15 Americans, including more than 15 million women and children.

People experiencing homelessness on any given night, US: 643,067.

People in families experiencing homelessness on any given night, US: 238,110.

Percentage of homeless population who are veterans: 12 percent, or 67,000 people.

Below twice the poverty level (less than $46,042 for a family of four): 106 million people, more than 1 in 3 Americans.

Children under age 6 below twice the poverty level: nearly half, 11.4 million children.

Economic cost of child poverty nationwide: $550 billion per year (3.8 percent of GDP).

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Poverty-level wages, 2011: 28 percent of workers.

Current minimum wage: $7.25 an hour ($2.13 tipped minimum wage).

Minimum wage if indexed to inflation: $10.55 an hour.

Something already indexed to inflation: individual campaign contribution limits.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

People age 50 and over at risk of hunger every day: 9 million.

Percentage of US population in poverty at some time before age 65: over 50 percent.

Impact of public policy, 2010: without government assistance, poverty would have been twice as high—nearly 30 percent of population.

Impact of public policy, 1964–1973: poverty rate fell by 43 percent.

Quote of the Week

“Our program is about choice every step of the way, and giving people control and power over their lives again. Because when you’re poor, your life is under a microscope. People look at everything you do, and judge it.”
      —Christy Respress, on Pathways to Housing

Research assistance provided by Christie Thompson.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Please comment below. You can also e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

An Anti-Poverty Thanksgiving

The hardest thing about the poverty beat is this: getting to know men, women and children who are working to overcome seemingly insurmountable obstacles, and knowing the consequences to their lives if those obstacles prove too great. I also meet people in low-income communities, NGOs, think tanks, universities, and government who are completely devoted to the eradication of poverty. They engender hope. I checked in with some of them this week and asked what they are thinking about this Thanksgiving. Here is what they had to say:

Sister Simone Campbell, executive director, NETWORK:

On Monday I was in Louisiana sharing stories from Nuns on the Bus with teachers and those who work in various support roles in schools. One woman told me that she has been doing the same support job for thirteen years in a school district, not had a raise for seven years and is currently making $17,000. She has had to take extra jobs to support her family and at times uses a food bank and other services to even get by. While she loves working with the children, it is a daily struggle for her and her family. She is in the bottom 20 percent of our nation for income, yet she is doing some of the most important work helping to form the new generation. This Thanksgiving, I am keenly aware of so many in our rich nation who are struggling to put food on their families’ tables. We are better than this. My prayer is that the 100 percent will come together, and exercise our responsibility for each other, being “We the People” forming a more perfect union.

Sheila Crowley, president & CEO, National Low Income Housing Coalition:

The night after President Obama’s re-election, I left my office near the White House and walked to the closest Metro station. There were fifteen people in the covered entranceway to the station, getting ready to bed down for the night, just like they do most every night. Although I may have felt that the outcome of the election boded well for progressive causes, it did not change the reality that too many people in our country have nowhere to live. I will know that change has come when people are not sleeping outside on concrete in November two blocks from the White House.

Sara Palmer, single mother, SNAP recipient, graduate student, research assistant and food service worker:

I’m thinking of the 10 million single mothers here in the United States who often do the work of two. We work hard, we struggle to provide for our children—what they deserve—and with luck and opportunity we are able. Please be thankful for your families, your networks of support, and the opportunities (and luck) that you have been given.… I know that I am.

Lisalyn Jacobs, vice president for government relations, Legal Momentum:

am thankful, as I read reports about the “freebies” allegedly received by women, minorities and youth, that we will remain on course for the next four years and hopefully come closer to ensuring that everyone—whether single moms, returning vets, unemployed workers, survivors of domestic or sexual violence, those recovering from the ravages of Hurricane Sandy, or those who are doing okay and thankful for that—feels like there is a real and enduring safety net to buoy them during the rough spots. I remain troubled, having checked in with many congressional offices over the last week, that too many of our elected leaders plan to default to gridlock and business as usual rather than turning their attention to removing obstacles, and seeking genuine bipartisan consensus and compromise.

Ralph da Costa Nunez, president & CEO, Institute for Children, Poverty & Homelessness:

Just this past week I visited four homeless family shelters in New York City. The shelters were full of young children who had a sparkle of hope and dreams in their eyes. They told me how they wanted to be a doctor, a nurse, truck driver, a policeman. After doing this work for thirty-six years, sometimes it feels like we’re moving in circles. But their faces remind me of the reason we have to keep working to reduce poverty and homelessness in America.

Jodie Levin-Epstein, deputy director, Center for Law and Social Policy:

It’s easy to get depressed by the implications of the deficit and the other profound challenges that we face today like creating millions of good jobs; but what’s exhilarating is the work each and every day of groups like the Retail Action Project, Restaurant Opportunities Center United, National Healthy Nail and Beauty Salon Alliance, Caring Across Generations, Warehouse Workers for Justice and Young Invincibles. I am thankful for the creativity, smarts and gumption of these and other groups; being impressed is a solid antidote to getting depressed.

Jessica Bartholow, legislative advocate, Western Center on Law and Poverty:

I traveled this weekend to see my only sister in northern Pennsylvania where she lives with her husband. This year, like millions of Americans, they had turned for the first time to food stamps because they couldn’t find work. I talked to my sister about this experience. She said it was hard: “We still went hungry, and it was never enough to buy healthy foods. It was embarrassing to shop with food stamps, even with the [EBT] card.” Things are better for them now. My brother-in-law has found work and they are able to pay down bills and buy what they need at the grocery store. As we ate breakfast in their small kitchen booth in the camper trailer that is their home, we exchanged stories and laughter with the kind of levity that comes with time and distance from hard times. This Thanksgiving, I’m thankful fewer Americans are hungry due to the food stamp program, but I’d rather that they didn’t need them at all.

Peter Edelman, professor of law, Georgetown University Law Center:

I went to the Children’s Defense Fund Beat the Odds benefit last week and participated in honoring five young women who have beaten the toughest odds and are now on their way to college with the scholarships awarded them by CDF. There wasn’t a dry eye in the house. We can’t ever forget the big difference that helping people one by one makes in reducing poverty. We are frustrated sometimes by not making bigger strides in changing the big picture—and we have to succeed there to make the numbers in poverty move down a lot—but we also have to keep on doing the small things that change lives one by one. They add up to a big number.

The United States should be doing more to help low-income American families put food on the table this Thanksgiving. Check out Greg Kaufmann on “The Choice to End Poverty.”

The Choice to End Poverty

On Monday, at an event marking the release of the Half in Ten campaign’s new report—“The Right Choices to Cut Poverty and Restore Shared Prosperity”—Angela Sutton, a Witness to Hunger in Philadelphia, talked about why it’s so critical to protect investments in low-income families during the upcoming deficit debate.

Sutton was shot at age 14, raped twice (including by her father), didn’t graduate high school and was homeless at 16.

“For two years, I slept in an abandoned car, slept in the snow, ate out of trashcans,” she said. “I was supposed to be a statistic, left for dead.”

Sutton said a Section 8 voucher and food stamps helped her find stability. She graduated from Drexel University with an associate’s degree and is now working towards her bachelor’s.

“We need to keep fighting for people that want the American Dream,” she said. “We don’t want a handout, we want to be able to help each other.”

Half in Ten’s second annual report tracks economic and social indicators of progress between 2010 and 2011 towards the campaign’s overall goal of cutting poverty by half within ten years. It flies in the face of the myth that “we don’t know what to do about poverty.”

“The big takeaway from the report is that we can cut poverty and also cut our long-term deficit—it’s all about the choices that we make,” Melissa Boteach, director of Half in Ten, told me.

One of the report’s most striking findings is that although the poverty rate didn’t change in 2011—thanks in large part to antipoverty programs that too many in Congress would like to slash—income inequality continued to grow. The top 20 percent of Americans took home more than half of all income in the US (51 percent), while the bottom 40 percent earned just over 11 percent. The wealthiest 5 percent enjoyed over one-fifth of the nation’s income.

The report attributes widening inequality to the proliferation of low-wage jobs—particularly in the service sector—and a stagnant minimum wage that isn’t indexed to inflation. A federal minimum wage job historically could lift a family of three above the poverty line, about $17,900 today. But it’s been raised only three times in the past thirty years and stands at 7.25 an hour (and just $2.13 for tipped workers), so a full-time worker earning the minimum wage is paid only $15,080.

“This is the context in which Congress and the President are debating deficit reduction,” said Boteach. “Will they do it in a way that exacerbates poverty and inequality? Or make the investments we need to make in order to support working families and grow our economy?”

The report points to some of the policies that are working: The earned income and child tax credits supplement the earnings of low-wage workers and kept 8.7 million people out of poverty in 2011; unemployment insurance lifted 2.3 million people above the poverty line, and would have been more effective if the additional $25 per week in benefits under the Recovery Act had been extended; SNAP (food stamps) lifted nearly 4 million people above the poverty line. On the flip side, in 201l twenty-seven states regressed in providing childcare assistance, and census data indicates that 5 million people were pushed into poverty by work-related expenses, including childcare.

The report notes that all of these antipoverty measures will be at risk during the deficit negotiations. Federal unemployment insurance is set to expire for everyone at the end of December, immediately affecting 2 million Americans; conservatives who protect tax cuts for the wealthiest 2 percent would also roll back the reach and effectiveness of the antipoverty earned income and child tax credits; SNAP cuts were passed by both the Senate and House Agriculture committees and are also at risk in the deficit debate.

Like this article? Support this journalism with a $5 donation now.

Ultimately, the report makes clear that investments in things like education and workforce training, nutrition assistance, health care, and affordable housing create pathways to the middle-class in an economy where too many jobs just won’t get a person there. These investments also make long-term fiscal sense. Child poverty, for example, costs our economy more than $500 billion annually in increased health care costs, worse educational outcomes, lower worker productivity, and increased criminal justice expenditures. A very modest investment in low-income families is associated with significantly higher earnings and work hours per year when children in those families reach adulthood. (The people seem ahead of the politicians on this front: an election eve poll by the First Focus Campaign for Children shows that 82 percent of voters—including 76 percent of Republicans—want Congress and the White House to deliver a plan to cut child poverty in half within ten years.)

The Half in Ten coalition—comprised of 200 national and local organizations across the country—will use this report to inform their actions during the upcoming deficit debate. You can get involved here.

“This report shows that we know what we need to do,” said Boteach. “It’s time for people to take a stand.”

As Congress considers a “Grand Bargain” budget deal, these vital social services are at risk. Check out Laura Flanders on why such austerity cuts aren’t only poor policy—they’re a violation of human rights.

This Week in Poverty: The Fiscal Cliff and the Janitors Who Are Already on It

“I really want people to understand that we all work just as hard as the next person that’s in a business suit,” says Tamika Maxwell, mother of three, describing her work as a janitor in Cincinnati, her hometown.

Along with 1,000 colleagues in the city, Maxwell hopes that current negotiations between SEIU and the city’s cleaning contractors will raise their $9.80 hourly wage—which, for annual full-time work, still leaves a family of three below the federal poverty line and relying on food stamps and Medicaid. In essence, the state ends up subsidizing corporations to continue paying people a non-living wage.

“My paycheck is the same amount as my Duke Energy bill,” says Maxwell. “And you know they don’t care—they will cut you off if you don’t have their money.”

Maxwell works part-time while also pursuing a business degree at Cincinnati State. She’s now employed by Scioto Services, which recently won the contract for the Public Defender’s office building that she has cleaned for four years. The company retained Maxwell but cut back all of the janitors’ hours. Instead of working the 5–10 pm shift five days per week, Maxwell now works only four.

“That’s a big deal when you’re only making $9.80 an hour,” she says.

But perhaps what is most frustrating to Maxwell and her colleagues is that among the cleaning contractors’ clients are some of the richest companies in the world. Macy’s, for example, made $1.25 billion in profits last year; Fifth Third Bancorp took in $1.3 billion; and Kroger netted more than $600 million. In all, thirteen Fortune 1000 companies with their corporate headquarters in Cincinnati earned combined profits of nearly $17 billion in 2011. If any of them told the cleaning contractors to pay a living wage, the contractors would do so, and would pass the additional cost onto the multibillion-dollar corporations.

Indeed, Procter & Gamble instructed its cleaning contractor, Compass, that the janitors who clean its headquarters should earn a living wage. Compass then offered the workers healthcare and guaranteed full-time hours, as well as an hourly wage increase of $0.30 in the first year, $0.25 in the second year, and $0.30 in the third year. That would result in a $10.65 hourly wage in 2015, and an average annual salary of $19,863 (just over the poverty line for a family of three). In contrast, the other contractors involved in negotiations with SEIU are offering next to nothing: a wage freeze for two years and a ten-cent increase in 2015.

“We just want to be paid fairly, and treated fairly. And the big businesses need to know that we have families that we want to take care of too,” says Maxwell. “I’m struggling right now, trying to figure out what I’m going to do for my kids’ Christmas. I know the big businesses aren’t worrying about their Christmas.”

Maxwell takes her son to school every morning at 7:45, then gets on a bus to go to school herself. After classes, she is home to help her son with homework, and then takes the kids to day care at 4:30—in time to arrive at work at 5 pm for her five-hour shift.

“By the time we get home it’s bedtime,” she says. “So the only time I really get to spend with my children is on the weekends. It sucks, really. But hopefully it will all be worth it when I finish school and won’t have to struggle as hard.”

Maxwell believes that part of the reason for the plight of the janitors is that “people really don’t understand the work that we do.” In her shift, she cleans forty-three bathrooms on thirteen floors. Half of the bathrooms have two stalls, half of them are singles. That’s about sixty-five toilets a night, or thirteen an hour—about four and a half minutes per toilet. That’s hard enough to do in five hours, and of course the job involves a lot more than cleaning toilets.

“I stock the bathrooms—paper towels, tissue, soap, seat covers. I clean them all, mop them all, and dust them all. Clean the mirrors, the countertops, the sinks, the stainless steel,” she says. “It’s really hard work. I go through more gym shoes than anyone can imagine.”

With so much stress over their reduced hours, one way Maxwell and her colleagues try to make up their lost income is by working overtime to fill-in for someone who can’t make it to work. But she says collecting the extra pay can be a challenge.

“I worked two extra hours over four weeks ago and still haven’t gotten paid,” she says.

She has also been waiting for three months for Scioto to fill out a job verification form that she needs so that her family will not be cut off of food stamps.

“Every time I see the manager and ask him about it he says he’ll get it back to me or the office hasn’t sent it back yet—gives me the runaround,” says Maxwell.

A look at the Scioto website and this kind of treatment of employees—in terms of poor wages, reduced hours and irresponsibility—flies in the face of the image the company is projecting:

It is our human resource investment, however; [sic] that makes us most proud. Scioto Services associates are encouraged to become volunteers with community organizations including the local Chambers of Commerce, Project Parks, Big Brothers/Big Sisters, YMCA, Meals on Wheels, youth sports programs, regional food banks, adult literacy programs and youth tutoring, just to name a few. At Scioto Services, we’re convinced that community involvement is the best way to show our pride in who we are, what we do, and in the communities where we do business.

Another way to invest in human resources and the community is by paying workers enough so that they can eat.

In the meantime, Maxwell hopes that people will rethink their assumptions about janitors and their labor, and get involved in the fight for better pay.

“People think janitors are people who either aren’t trying hard enough, or didn’t try hard enough back when they [were younger], and that’s simply not the case,” says Maxwell. “Somebody has to do these jobs. Workers couldn’t function without our work.”

You can e-mail building owners in Cincinnati—companies like Macy’s and Fifth Third Bancorp—and ask them to support good jobs for janitors here. I’ll be trying to reach them and the cleaning contractors—and continue talking to the janitors—to keep you updated on this story.

Our So-Called Fiscal Cliff: What the hell is it and what can you do?

I hate webinars—loathe them, actually, even though I understand they are a necessary evil nowadays.

But I watched one on Wednesday led by Ellen Nissenbaum, senior vice president for government affairs at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, and Deborah Weinstein, executive director at the Coalition on Human Needs (CHN), and I thought it was fantastic—great information, presented clearly and creatively, and compelling. So I’m passing along what I learned in the hope that you will speak out on matters that need speaking out on—which is really the first thing you need to know about our so-called Fiscal Cliff:

“Don’t be silent,” said Weinstein. “There’s simply too much at stake.”

What the hell is it anyway?

So what the hell is our so-called Fiscal Cliff anyway? There are four major pieces of policy happenings between the end of December and early next year: the Bush tax cuts, along with the temporary expansion of unemployment insurance, expire in December; the sequestration—which means automatic, across the board cuts of about $110 billion that are scheduled to occur in January; the debt limit has to be raised in early 2013 so the government can borrow money to finance current operations; and then the current fiscal year appropriations are only funded through March 27 and need to be completed.

“What’s really driving the near panic in Congress is the combination of the tax cuts expiring and the sequester taking effect,” said Nissenbaum.

But she said that the panic is unjustified—it really wouldn’t be the “cataclysmic event” it’s being made out to be.

“Nothing happens automatically on January 2—the cuts start to phase in, the tax cuts start to be eliminated,” she said.

But Republicans and Democrats would immediately face tremendous pressure to reach an agreement—with the middle-class tax cuts having expired, $100 billion in spending cuts beginning to take effect (including $50 billion from the Pentagon) and reaching the debt limit and facing possible government default. Nissenbaum noted that when the government shut down in 1995, President Clinton and Congress reached agreement in just three weeks. The pressure come January 2013 would “be like ten times bigger than a government shutdown.”

Because our so-called fiscal cliff isn’t really the huge economic and existential threat that it’s being made out to be, Nissenbaum concludes:

If the choice is between a bad deal [at the end of the year]—a deal that relies heavily on spending cuts, that doesn’t protect the poor—or no deal, that’s simply not a tough choice.… The single most important principle that should guide all of the decisions around deficit reduction is that [it] should not increase poverty or inequality.

Although this has indeed been a principle of deficit reduction agreements going back for “some period of time,” Nissenbaum cautioned that there are now many bipartisan proposals that “are claiming to protect our most vulnerable but when you take a careful look at their proposals they fall well short.”

What’s at stake?

These are the three areas in play for any deficit reduction agreement: (1) discretionary spending (appropriations), (2) health/other entitlements and (3) revenues. The Budget Control Act of 2011 and other cuts last year already axed $1.5 trillion from discretionary spending, but there was zilch in new revenues.

“We have already cut non-defense discretionary down to the bone—particularly from historical levels,” said Nissenbaum.

Therefore, Nissenbaum said, a major concern is whether the president and others will “wall off” the non-defense discretionary programs that protect the poor—such as education, job training, WIC, Head Start, childcare—and prohibit further cuts.

With regard to revenues, Weinstein said that “changes in the tax code need to seek revenues from those who can afford to pay, and protect those people who can’t afford to pay more.” The refundable Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit—which together lifted 8.7 million people out of poverty in 2011—are two of our most effective antipoverty tools and have enjoyed longtime bipartisan support, but will be targeted for cuts by conservatives.

Nissenbaum warned that while conservatives have signaled that they might agree to a small amount of revenues for deficit reduction, “what they really want is to essentially give us a nickel in taxes, only in exchange for requiring the tax committees in Congress to make another round of massive tax cuts on income tax rates well below the Bush levels.” She said some bipartisan proposals are touting a top rate of 26 to 29 percent.

“You can imagine how that would decimate the parts of the budget we all care about if revenues dropped down that low,” she said.

With regard to entitlements, Nissenbaum thinks the three that are most in jeopardy are Medicaid (and whether costs will be shifted to the states); cuts or structural changes that limit the reach and effectiveness of SNAP (food stamps); and Supplemental Social Security Income. She believes Social Security “by and large” will be off the table.

But with a goal of $2 trillion in deficit reduction (beyond the $1.5 trillion in cuts already made under the Budget Control Act)—and so many parts of the budget being entirely or largely protected in Congress, Nissenbaum believes discretionary domestic programs and low-income entitlements will take the biggest hits if major revenues aren’t part of the deal.

What you can do

Weinstein encouraged people to participate in the SAVE For All campaign, which now has the participation of over 1,900 organizations and many individuals nationwide. It’s pushing for a deficit reduction agreement that protects low-income and vulnerable people, promotes job creation, increases revenues from fair sources and seeks responsible savings from the Pentagon and other areas.

She said that antipoverty/human needs advocates are “up against” CEOs who are ready to spend about $60 million promoting a plan that has “moved more in the direction of cutting services, and less in the direction of revenues” than even the Bowles-Simpson plan that was first released in 2010; and also the “deficit scolds” who use the fear of our so-called fiscal cliff to call for huge spending cuts. (I would add a campaign of misinformation by conservatives that labels as “welfare” every investment in low-income people—whether Pell grants, foster care, Head Start, etc.; also bogus talking points such as “we spend $23,000 a year on every person in poverty.”)

“But there is a recent precedent for beating piles of CEO money,” said Weinstein, “people spoke out through the vote. The election is over but we still need to speak out.”

You can send an e-mail to your senators and representative; meet with a staff member in person, or connect with them through statewide conference calls that CHN is helping to organize (contact them). Groups and individuals can write op-eds, letters to the editor or arrange meetings with editorial boards—CHN can assist with this as well, as can the Children’s Leadership Council. Groups can hold an event at a service provider’s site, or demonstrate in front of a senator or congressman’s office—Nuns on the Bus style. Finally, stay tuned for a National Call in Day on November 28.

The bottom line is this: if you care about poverty and not making things harder for people who already have it tough, speak out during this debate. You can bet people who don’t share your interests will, and a lot of them will have much deeper pockets than you do. Be heard, be visible.

Other Campaigns

End Child Hunger: The New York City Coalition Against Hunger (NYCCAH) is calling on President Obama to publicly re-commit his pledge to end child hunger in America. You can sign an online petition here. To learn more about why ending child hunger is not only the right thing to do morally, but also good for the economy, read NYCCAH executive director Joel Berg’s letter to the president.

National Hunger and Homelessness Awareness Week (NHHAW), November 10–18: On the eve of the halfway mark for The Journey Home—Baltimore’s ten-year plan to end homelessness—students from colleges and universities in and around the city are organizing a series of local events to mark NHHAW. The events will culminate with: “A Bench is Not a Bed: Sleepout” tomorrow, November 17, beginning at 6 pm at the War Memorial Plaza in front of City Hall (100 North Holliday Street). For additional information contact NHHAW.Baltimore@gmail.com.

Urge Congress to Support Affordable Housing: In 2008, the National Housing Trust Fund (NHTF) was enacted as part of the Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008. Its purpose is to create dedicated sources of funding to build, preserve and rehabilitate housing for low-income people. Unfortunately Congress has never approved funding for the NHTF. With over 630,000 Americans homeless, Fighting Poverty with Faith is calling on Congress to fund the NHTF at $1 billion, providing quality and affordable homes to 3.5 million extremely low-income households over the next ten years. You can contact your senators and representative and urge them to approve $1 billion in funding here.

Reports

Married… Without Means,” Shawn Fremstad, Center for Economic and Policy Research. Policy makers and too many in the “liberal” media often claim that marriage is a way out of poverty for Americans striving for the middle class. Fremstad’s excellent new report demonstrates that most parents with below-poverty incomes who are raising children are, in fact, married. He attributes the struggles of married adults to policy decisions that have led to stagnating wages; the lack of a coordinated child care and early education system; and a failure to institute basic labor standards such as paid family leave.

“If we want to reduce marital poverty and hardship—and increase family economic security generally—over the next two decades, we need to fix the economy by strengthening existing labor institutions, particularly unions, and creating new basic standards that apply nationwide, including ones for paid family leave,” writes Fremstad. “In the immediate short term, we need more public investment to create jobs and rebuild the economy. Finally, we need to strengthen existing, effective systems of social protection, including Social Security and Medicaid, and overhaul ones that have completely failed struggling married parents, particularly Temporary Assistance for Families (TANF).”

Pulling Apart: A State-by-State Analysis of Income Trends,” Elizabeth McNichol, Douglas Hall, David Cooper, and Vincent Palacios, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities and Economic Policy Institute. The gaps between the incomes of the richest households and low- and middle-income households are wide and growing in most states. Between the late 1990s and mid-2000s, gaps between the richest and the poorest households widened in forty-five states and DC, and narrowed in none. Incomes fell by close to 6 percent among the bottom fifth of households, on average, while rising by 8.6 percent among the top fifth, during this period. Incomes grew even faster—14 percent— among the top 5 percent of households. For the middle fifth of households, incomes grew by just 1.2 percent.

The study is one of the few to examine income inequality at the state level, and it finds that growth in wage inequality is the biggest factor contributing to the income gaps in most states. The report recommends state policies that can mitigate the widening divide, including: raising and indexing the minimum wage; making state tax systems less regressive—they currently rely more on sales taxes and user fees that hit low-income households especially hard, rather than progressive income taxes; strengthening supports for low-income workers such as childcare, transportation and health insurance; and strengthening the unemployment insurance system so that more unemployed workers are able to access benefits.

State Asset Limit Reforms and Implications for Federal Policy,” Aleta Sprague and Rachel Black, New America Foundation. Nearly every means-tested public assistance program employs an asset test, which is a limit on the amount of savings and other resources a family can own and remain eligible for benefits. Though asset tests vary widely across programs and states, the limits typically hover around just $2000, thus requiring families to remain in both income poverty and asset poverty to receive benefits. This report identifies some of the impacts of both implementing and reforming asset limits on the administration of the SNAP (food stamps) and TANF (cash assistance) programs. Key findings include: assets limits pose a barrier to long-term self-sufficiency; and a variety of resource and political barriers must be overcome to lift asset tests.

Young Children at Risk,” Taylor Robbins, Shannon Stagman, Sheila Smith, National Center for Children in Poverty. Across the United States, large numbers of young children are affected by one or more risk factors that have been linked to academic failure and poor health. Chief among them is family economic hardship. Additional risk factors can markedly increase children’s chances of adverse outcomes, too. The national and state data presented here highlight groups of vulnerable children and families whose needs can be addressed through a wide range of family support, health and education policies. Information about the size and characteristics of a state’s population of young, at-risk children can inform policy decisions about investments in new or expanded supports that help mitigate risks and improve life outcomes for these children.

Weathering the Great Recession,” Economic Mobility Project, Pew Center on the States. The report reveals that while all communities felt a devastating impact on their economic security, high-poverty neighborhoods lost the greatest percentage of wealth. Families in low-poverty neighborhoods experienced wealth losses of 47 percent, while those in high poverty lost an astounding 91 percent. Other economic measures examined in the report include: homeownership and housing equity losses; mortgage payment distress; wage decreases; and unemployment.

The Volunteer Experience: Men and Women Who Make Free Tax Preparation Work,” National Community Tax Coalition (NCTC). NCTC works to create a more accessible and equitable tax system for American workers. It represents more than 63,000 volunteers at 6,300 community Volunteer Income Tax Assistance (VITA) sites. Last year, these volunteers prepared an estimated 1.6 million federal tax returns for low- and moderate-income workers. The program depends on volunteers willing to spend long hours performing a sometimes very tedious task. What makes them do it? NCTC interviewed four volunteers to learn more about their motivations, experiences and backgrounds.

Articles, Clips, etc.

From Master Plan to No Plan: The Slow Death of Public Higher Education,” Aaron Bady and Mike Konczal

Segregation and Obama’s second term,” Steve Bogira

New Poverty Data Provide Key Insights into Fiscal Cliff Negotiations,” Melissa Boteach

The Problem Is Clear: The Water Is Filthy,” Patricia Leigh Brown

Homeless College Students Cope With Needing a Home Over Winter Break,” (AUDIO) Kavitha Cardoza

Americans Want to Raise the Minimum Wage,” Bryce Covert

The Poor Will Be the First Over the Fiscal Cliff,” Bryce Covert

Healing a Broken System: Veterans and the War on Drugs,” Drug Policy Alliance

Rick Perry Calls For Drug-Testing The Poor And Jobless,” Arthur Delaney

Alleging New Wave of Retaliation, Walmart Warehouse Workers Will Strike Day Early,” Josh Eidelson

Ohioans’ food stamp aid to be reduced,” Kate Giammarise

New initiative seeks to keep juveniles out of trouble by keeping them out of jail,” Phillip Lucas

The Election is Over — Now What?” (VIDEO) Moyers & Company

Called to Work During Superstorm Sandy, Tribeca Parking Attendant Drowned,” Lizzy Ratner

Bishops fail to agree on economy, but push Dorothy Day sainthood,” Ann Rodgers

Anacostia: Why I have faith in the future of my neighborhood,” Michael Shank

The Power of the Safety Net: What the Supplemental Poverty Measure Shows,” Arloc Sherman

Poverty growing among L.A. County veterans, study finds,” Alexandra Zavis

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $23,021 for a family of four): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Children in poverty: 16.1 million, 22 percent of all children, including more than one in three African American and Latino children. Poorest age group in the country.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20.4 million people, one in fifteen Americans, including more than 15 million women and children.

Below twice the poverty level (less than $46,042 for a family of four): 106 million people, more than 1 in 3 Americans.

Children under age 6 below twice the poverty level: nearly half, 11.4 million children.

States with child poverty rates of 20 percent or higher: 27.

States with child poverty rates of less than 15 percent: 7.

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Youth employment: lowest level in more than sixty years.

Poverty-level wages, 2011: 28 percent of workers.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Gender gap, 2011: women 34 percent more likely to be poor than men.

Gender gap, 2010: women 29 percent more likely to be poor than men.

People age 50 and over at risk of hunger every day: 9 million.

Percentage of US population in poverty at some time before age 65: over 50 percent.

Impact of public policy, 2010: without government assistance, poverty would have been twice as high—nearly 30 percent of population.

Impact of public policy, 1964–1973: poverty rate fell by 43 percent.

Quote of the Week

“What does it profit a man to be able to eat at an integrated lunch counter if he doesn’t earn enough money to buy a hamburger and a cup of coffee?”
      —Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. (source: Joel Berg letter to President Obama)

Research assistance provided by Christie Thompson.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Please comment below. You can also e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

This Week in Poverty: Janitors in the Queen City

“Cincinnatians aren’t poor because they’re not working. They’re poor because their jobs don’t pay a living wage.”
      —“The State of Our Downtown

The Queen City of Cincinnati is home to the corporate headquarters of thirteen Fortune 1000 companies. In 2011, these companies earned combined profits of nearly $17 billion, and their CEOs took home more than $103 million in pay. Macy’s, for example, netted over $1.25 billion; Fifth Third Bancorp took in $1.3 billion; and Kroger enjoyed profits of over $600 million. The New York Times recently described the town as “emerging again as a hub of civic and economic vitality.”

But for too many working people that economic vitality isn’t translating into good jobs with living wages. The city is one of the poorest in the nation, with a poverty rate of 30.6 percent, according to 2010 US Census data. A 2011 study by the National Center for Children in Poverty found that 48 percent of children live below the poverty line—the third-worst child poverty rate in the country. According to SEIU Local 1, even though unemployment is on the decline in the city, poverty and racial segregation are on the rise.

That’s why the current negotiations for a new contract between Cincinnati janitors and cleaning contractors are worth paying attention to. The talks began back in September, but have received little media coverage due to the 2012 election. About 1,000 janitors and their families are directly affected by this contract, and low-wage workers throughout the city who are looking for better pay and benefits are affected indirectly.

The average full-time janitor currently makes just $17,836 annually cleaning the offices of these multibillion-dollar companies. Not only is that below the poverty line of $18,106 for a family of three, it’s also just over half the estimated annual cost of living in the city—$33,347 for a one-parent, one-child family to pay for basic necessities.

As a result of these poverty wages, many full-time janitors qualify for programs such as food stamps (SNAP), Medicaid, and housing assistance, so the public ends up picking up the tab for corporations that aren’t willing to pay a living wage. (That’s in addition to corporate subsidies like the $52 million in tax incentives Cincinnati offered Convergys Corp—which earned nearly $335 million in profits last year—for renovating its headquarters.)

“These programs exist for people who are going through hard times,” said Dina Smith, a janitor in the city for five years, who lives with her 17-year-old son in a housing project. “You’re supposed to use them as a safety net and then get off them. But how is anyone supposed to get off these programs when we’re not paid enough to survive without them?”

The Cincinnati janitors’ work is grueling. According to SEIU, they clean more than 37.6 million square feet of office space every night. In addition to vacuuming, emptying trash, and sanitizing bathrooms and workspaces, the janitors maneuver heavy bags and equipment and use highly toxic cleaning chemicals—all at a high rate of speed. The Bureau of Labor Statistics found that janitorial work is one of America’s more dangerous occupations, in terms of the rate of nonfatal injuries and illnesses requiring days away from work, and also the number of cases of musculoskeletal disorders associated with the work.

And yet, here is what most of the cleaning contractors are offering the janitors: a wage freeze for two years and a ten-cent increase in 2015.

“Making matters worse, they propose to remove full-time hours protections from the contract so they can push workers into part-time jobs,” SEIU spokesperson Izabela Miltko told me. “That way they avoid the requirements of the Affordable Care Act and push the cost of workers’ healthcare onto the taxpayer.”

However, the cleaning contractors ultimately will do whatever the powerful corporations that employ them want them to do. Case in point, Procter & Gamble did the right thing—stepping up and saying that the janitors who clean their downtown headquarters should be paid a living wage. The company uses Compass as its cleaning contractor, and Compass offered the janitors a $.30 increase in the first year, $.25 in the second year, and $.30 in the third year. The current $9.80 hourly wage would therefore rise to $10.65 in 2015, and the average salary would be $19,863. (Not enough, to be sure, but a step in the right direction.) Compass also guaranteed full-time hours and healthcare.

Later this week, I’ll be talking to janitors and reporting on any developments in their negotiations. In the meantime, you can e-mail building owners in Cincinnati—companies like Macy’s and Fifth Third Bancorp—and ask them to support good jobs for janitors.

WALMART’S BLACK FRIDAY: WHO SAVES? WHO PAYS? WHO PRAYS? (Guest Post)

by Rev. Michael Livingston and Mr. Blake Valenta of Interfaith Worker Justice

“As long as we regard each other not as humans but as the ‘other,’ we will suffer profound abuses in the workplace. Employers will steal their workers'; wages, either overtly or covertly. And all the while they will deny both to themselves and others that this is the case.” —Ven. Sevan Ross, Director Chicago Zen Center

This November 23, at precisely 12:01 am, millions of Americans will surge into their local Walmart. They will go eagerly searching for the rock-bottom prices Walmart stakes its reputation on. But this focus on low prices comes at a cost—a cost felt in the daily lives of the workers directly and indirectly employed by Walmart. In response, Walmart workers in recent months courageously went on strike over wages and safety concerns. This Black Friday, Interfaith Worker Justice (IWJ) asks people of faith to stand in support of the workers of Walmart, by organizing or joining prayer vigils, flash mobs or letter campaigns at their local Walmart store. Doing so will be an act of faith in concert with the sacred texts of many religious traditions. For some of you, this may be your first public demonstration against Walmart. We would like to comment on the working conditions of Walmart workers, the effects of these conditions, what the workers are doing to change these circumstances, and what you can do to support them.

The Workers

The largest private employer in the United States, Walmart employs 1.4 million Americans. It is uniquely positioned to be on the vanguard of fair wages and just labor practices, yet the risks involved in taking full advantage of this opportunity have proven an effective deterrent to change. You have heard Walmart’s claim that the average employee wage is $11.70. However, the independent marketing company IBISWorld puts the starting wage at $8.81, a figure corroborated by actual Walmart employees. As you can see in this video, when confronted, Walmart is less than forthcoming.

To make matters worse Walmart keeps a tight restriction on hours, forcing many employees into part-time status. This makes it difficult, if not impossible, for its employees to find other work to supplement their income. It also deprives those who work fewer than 24 hours a week of health benefits. So it comes as no surprise that a report found that, in California, Walmart employees utilize 40 percent more taxpayer funded healthcare than other large retail employees. Walmart saved millions, you the taxpayer  made up the difference.

Of those lucky enough to get fulltime work, Walmart has a track record of denying overtime by illegally “shaving hours” off employee’s timesheets. In fact in 2008, the company was busted on wage and hour violations totaling more than $500 million—the largest wage violation settlement in history. Will workers be fully compensated for those extra hours put into Black Friday’s midnight opening?

The combination of low pay and poor benefits creates a perfect storm of financial chaos for underpaid workers. The families of Walmart employees use an estimated 38 percent more in public assistance programs (food stamps, subsidized school lunches, subsidized housing, earned income tax credit) than the average families of other large retail employers. But Walmart’s abuse extends beyond the workers in the store.

The rows and rows of merchandise in Walmart’s massive stores get from loading dock to warehouse to store shelf by a complex chain of economic relationships that insulate the company from responsibility for the toll exacted upon the workers who handle these goods. Maintaining Walmart’s enormous logistics system involves poorly paid, extremely dangerous warehouse work. There is a veritable army of warehouse workers engaged in delivering the items shoppers will see on Walmart shelves this Black Friday. Walmart is notorious for its role in outsourcing manufacturing jobs to China, but with warehouse workers Walmart engages in what some have called “domestic outsourcing.” Walmart outsources these jobs to other companies in order to export the blame while demanding even more ruthless cost cutting measures at the expense of the workers. In Walmart’s many logistic hubs around the United States, workers experience unpaid wages, health and safety violations, and other labor violations. Whenever a scandal breaks, Walmart just fires the “one bad apple” company and continues business as usual.

The Cause

But why does the third-largest employer on the planet (behind only the Department of Defense and the People’s Liberation Army of China) “need” to do this? Walmart is already the largest supplier of groceries in America, capturing one of every four US dollars spent on groceries; its CEO makes, in one hour, what the average employee makes in a year; and each week nearly one-third of the US population walks its aisles. Walmart supporters claim that low pay is the only way to keep prices low for the consumer and the only way for Walmart to stay competitive and profitable. This does not withstand scrutiny.

Walmart claims to save households an average of $2,300 per year (a more accurate analysis puts it at $920), yet a report out of UC Berkley shows that raising the minimum wage of their hourly employees to $12 an hour would raise the yearly shopping bill of consumers by only about $12 ($.42 a trip). Wouldn’t you be willing this Black Friday to pay an extra $.42 so those who stock the shelves and check out your purchases can make a decent wage? Regarding competitiveness, the Economic Policy Institute has shown Walmart could raise wages for non-managers by 17 percent and still remain competitive with Costco, their major big-box competitor.

Only one answer truly explains this consistent disregard for the worker and community. Walmart holds to a ruthless cost-cutting motto, where saving a buck trumps all other social and civic responsibilities. What does your faith say to you about this?

The Fight

Despite the risks and challenges, workers are fighting back. Groups such as Organization United for Respect at Walmart (OURWalmart)—a group of Walmart workers who have come together to fight for fairer pay, benefits and scheduling. These are the brave men and women you read about recently who went on strike in Illinois and California—these strikes quickly spread to twelve other states. They went on strike without the protection of a union contract and with the knowledge of Walmart’s history of retaliatory action against workers who stand up for their rights (watch this video to hear one such story).

Much like OURWalmart, Warehouse Workers United and Warehouse Workers for Justice are groups that educate warehouse workers of their rights, bring together workers to defend these rights on the job, and advocate for changes to improve the lives of warehouse workers. They helped workers at Walmart warehouses in Elwood, Illinois, and the Inland Empire area of California to successfully strike against illegal retaliation against workers who spoke out about labor violations (and they won!).

Public victories against a Goliath like Walmart inspire all low-wage workers. If Walmart workers can win justice: carwash workers in Chicago can stand up to wage and safety violations; Palermo Pizza workers can demand an end to union busting; and a worker at a fancy New York gastropub can fight against criminally low wages. The ripples of a Walmart victory do not subside at the edge of the Walmart parking lot; they radiate outward to all oppressed workers.

How You Can Help

OURWalmart issued a warning to Walmart that their intimidation tactics, poor pay, and worker mistreatment must change or they “will make sure that Black Friday is memorable for them.” IWJ is calling on clergy and people of faith to make a stand: to publicly demonstrate their desire for Walmart to do what is best for the company, its workers, and the surrounding community via prayer vigils, flash mobs, or letter campaigns at their local store. It is not known which Walmarts will be affected by the threatened walk-offs, but the issues outlined above affect all Walmart workers.

You are not being asked to attack Walmart (leave the pitchfork and torches at home!). We are simply inviting you to ask an extremely profitable company to ensure that their workers are paid a living wage and the decent benefits that they deserve. It is not a boycott. You are not being asked to block shoppers or shout at management. Instead, through your prayers and other non-violent actions, you are educating Walmart and Black Friday shoppers of the human cost of these low prices. You are telling them that for a mere $.42 more they could purchase that heavily discounted TV from a well-paid employee instead of a poverty wage part-time “associate.” You are asking Walmart to expand its vision beyond its myopic focus on cost cutting, out to the wider community where its employees and shoppers live. In addition, your presence will act as a beacon of support to the employees who may be walking off in protest, considering walking off, or are just unhappy with how they are treated.

This Black Friday, IWJ will be at Walmart not for the deals, but for justice. We hope you will adopt a Walmart in your neighborhood, praying and standing for justice. To learn more and get involved visit the IWJ website.

While this article is written with people of faith in mind, IWJ believes all people whether spiritual, agnostic or atheist desire to see justice at Walmart. For non-faith based acts of protest please visit Making Change at Walmart or OURWalmart. Let us stand together.

A Dime A Day Minimum Wage Campaign

According to a recent report released by the Food Labor Research Center at UC Berkeley, raising the minimum wage for the benefit of 29 million low-wage workers—including almost 8 million food workers—would only cost the average household at most an additional ten cents per day for food. Sign this petition from the Food Chain Workers Alliance and the Restaurant Opportunities Centers United to increase the minimum wage (currently $7.25/hour and for workers who receive tips $2.13/hour) through the Miller/Harkin Fair Minimum Wage Act.

Thanksgiving Week of Supermarket Action, November 14–21

In Immokalee, Florida—home to the Coalition of Immokalee Workers— and across the country, farmworkers and their allies in the Campaign for Fair Food pause every Thanksgiving to remember the hard work and sacrifices of the men and women whose undervalued labor has put food on tables for generations. This Thanksgiving will truly be one to remember, however, as Fair Food activists from Florida to California will be taking to the streets in a Thanksgiving Week of Action. If you’re interested in organizing or joining a Thanksgiving Week protest in your hometown, contact organize@sfalliance.org.

New Resource: “Below the Line,” Melissa Harris-Perry Show

Melissa Harris-Perry debuted a series—Below the Line­­—on her show on Sunday. This is going to be a terrific and important resource. “In this new series we’ll bring you regular stories about people living below the [poverty] line,” said Harris-Perry. “The policies and decisions that create the poverty in which they live, what they are doing to survive in tough circumstances, and what we can do as a nation to affect poverty.” Check it out here.

Articles

Congressional Inequality Champions Win Big,” by Sarah Anderson

One Person’s Welfare is Another Person’s Ticket to the Middle Class,”  by Elizabeth Lower-Basch

Minor Misconduct,” Angela Caputo

Are Low-Income Programs Enlarging the Nation’s Long-Term Fiscal Problem?” by Robert Greenstein and Richard Kogan

The Wide Poverty Gap Between Women and Men,” by Karen Kornbluh

Softer Three Strikes Rule Has Defense Lawyers Preparing Case Reviews,” by Jack Leonard and Maura Dolan

Transgressive Policing: Police Abuse of LGBTQ Communities of Color,” by Make the Road New York

The You're-On-Your-Own Society,” by Katha Pollitt

Escorted to Jail,” by Christie Thompson

Momentum Builds in the Fight Against Stop-And-Frisk,” Christie Thompson.

Corbett Signs Prison Reform Plan Into Law,” Amy Worden.

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $23,021 for a family of four): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Children in poverty: 16.1 million, 22 percent of all children, including more than one in three African American and Latino children. Poorest age group in the country.

Poverty rate among families with children headed by single mothers: 40.9 percent.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20.4 million people, 1 in 15 Americans, including more than 15 million women and children.

Twice the poverty level (less than $46,042 for a family of four): 106 million people, more than 1 in 3 Americans.

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Youth employment: lowest level in more than 60 years.

Poverty-level wages, 2011: 28 percent of workers.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Gender gap, 2011: women 34 percent more likely to be poor than men.

Gender gap, 2010: women 29 percent more likely to be poor than men.

People age 50 and over at risk of hunger every day: 9 million.

Percentage of US population in poverty at some time before age 65: over 50 percent.

Impact of public policy, 2010: without government assistance, poverty would have been twice as high—nearly 30 percent of population.

Impact of public policy, 1964–1973: poverty rate fell by 43 percent.

Research assistance provided by Christie Thompson.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Please comment below. You can also e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

#TalkPoverty: The Obama Campaign Responds

Three months ago, anticipating that the media and presidential campaigns wouldn’t focus on the struggles of the poor and near poor in a substantive way, TheNation.com kicked off a new campaign: “#TalkPoverty: Questions for Obama and Romney.”

In an effort to push the issue of poverty into the mainstream political debate, I profiled and polled five experts who have devoted their lives to fighting poverty—and individuals who have lived in poverty—giving them the opportunity to ask the presidential candidates the questions that they want answers to.

A thriving #TalkPoverty community developed online, and the Half In Ten coalition—comprised of 200 national and local organizations across the country—ran an excellent spin-off campaign to pressure debate moderators to ask President Obama and Governor Romney about their plans to address child poverty. Despite this vibrant campaign—and the outsized focus of the debates on the domestic economy—the moderators never asked a single question about poverty.

At the outset of the #TalkPoverty effort, I promised to hound both campaigns for answers. In the end, it didn’t really require hounding as far as the Obama campaign was concerned—they agreed to respond when I first contacted them. The Romney campaign, on the other hand, initially expressed openness before sending an e-mail last Thursday: “We will not be participating. Thanks for the offer.” It seems that the Romney campaign prefers to continue its strategy of speaking about “the poor” without saying anything of substance about antipoverty policies, or speaking in a manner completely untethered from reality, or outright lying.

I promised both campaigns that we would run the answers without any interpretation, simply let their responses speak for themselves. Here are the answers from the Obama campaign:

* * *

1. In 2011, 20.4 million people in America were living on incomes below half the federal poverty line—less than about $9,000 for a family of three—including over 15 million women and children. That’s up from 12.6 million people in 2000. What will you do to address this growing problem?

President Obama took office in the middle of the worst economic downturn since the Great Depression, threatening the security of families across the country. He took immediate action to address the crisis through the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act. Today, we know that the Recovery Act kept nearly 7 million people out of poverty in 2010, including 2.5 million children. It cut taxes for 95 percent of workers, gave a significant tax cut to low-income families with children, and supported crucial unemployment insurance for those who were hit hardest. The Recovery Act also strengthened Medicaid during the worst of the recession and helped ensure that millions of families had food security to weather the downturn. These steps provided a lifeline for millions of Americans working their way to self-sufficiency who just needed tools to get back on their feet, stay in school, and rejoin the workforce. Though there is still more work to be done, we have seen 31 straight months of private sector job growth and a total of 5.2 million jobs created.

But it isn’t enough merely to get back to where we were before the crisis; we need to continue to take steps to grow the economy from the middle out – not the top down. The President has proposed extending tax cuts for working families that were included in the Recovery Act and will fight to prevent higher income taxes on families making less than $250,000 a year. Through the American Jobs Act, the President has proposed new steps that will accelerate the recovery and create nearly 1 million jobs. The plan would help states keep up to 325,000 teachers, as well as thousands of police officers and firefighters, on the job. President Obama is also calling for immediate new investments to repair crumbling roads and bridges that would put hundreds of thousands of construction workers back to work now and strengthen our economy for the long term.

Even as the President has introduced policies that will lead to strong economic growth, he has also launched bold new initiatives to combat poverty directly. For example, the Administration developed the Choice Neighborhoods programs to address housing, crime, and transportation in order to bring comprehensive neighborhood revitalization to blighted areas. The President also launched the Promise Neighborhoods program, modeled after the successful Harlem Children’s Zone, where 37 communities in 18 different states already have plans in place to put education at the center of combating poverty. The program is based on the idea that children need support both in and out of the classroom in order to succeed. Finally, the Administration’s Project Rebuild will create 200,000 jobs by rehabilitating homes and stabilizing home prices in hard-hit lower income areas. These unprecedented efforts are transforming high-poverty neighborhoods with distressed public housing and crumbling schools into communities that are starting to see real growth and get stronger with each day.

2. One in five children in the United States struggles with hunger. As President, what would you do about hunger in America—especially for young children?

President Obama knows that ending childhood hunger in the United States is a moral imperative. President Obama signed into law the Healthy, Hunger-Free Kids Act of 2010, which represents a major step forward in our nation’s effort to provide all children with healthy food in schools. This landmark bill authorized funding for federal school meal and child nutrition programs and increased access to healthy food for low-income children. It allows more universal meal access for eligible students in high poverty communities. Additionally, it expands USDA authority to support meals served to at-risk children in afterschool programs. These efforts demonstrate the President’s strong commitment to programs that directly alleviate childhood hunger, even as he continues to focus on the root causes by doing everything in his power to grow the economy and create jobs.

3. Investments in childcare are key not only to children’s prospects for productive lives but also a family’s ability to work. Yet federal assistance for childcare currently reaches only about one in seven of those who are eligible. What will you do to increase the availability of quality childcare to more low-income children?

Since 2000, the typical family has seen their child care costs grow at twice the rate of their income. Full-time care for an infant often costs more than $10,000, and monthly child care fees for two children are often even higher than what a typical family pays in rent.

Despite these rising costs, the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit—a tax break for parents who are paying for childcare just so they can work—has only been increased once in the last 28 years and is not indexed to inflation. President Obama has proposed doubling this tax credit for middle-class families making under $85,000 a year. In fact, nearly all eligible families making under $115,000 a year would get a larger credit. Under the President’s plan, families would be able to claim up to $3,000 in childcare expenses for one child or $6,000 for two children.

Child care costs are especially challenging for low-income working families who, even while striving to enter the middle class, struggle to make ends meet. Before the President took office, assistance for these families had plummeted. That’s why the Obama Administration provided an additional $1.6 billion in child care funding in 2011, the largest one-year increase in 20 years, to serve an additional 235,000 children. Additionally, President Obama is challenging states to develop effective, innovative models for expanding early and pre-K learning programs. In his second term, President Obama will continue to work with Congress to improve the quality of care for all children and decrease costs for working families.

4. Government statistics show that over 1 in 3 Americans—approximately 106 million people—are living on incomes below about $46,000 for a family of four (below twice the federal poverty line). This reflects the large number of low-wage jobs in the nation. What will you do to increase the income of working people who are struggling to make ends meet every month and also the number of jobs that provide family-supporting wages?

Even as many Americans are still looking for work, numerous industries in the U.S. have difficulty filling high-wage jobs that require specific technical skills. This is because too many Americans lack access to the kind of practical and specialized training that these higher-wage jobs require. In the coming years, America will need to fill millions of good-paying mid- and high-level skilled positions in high-growth industries from healthcare to advanced manufacturing, from clean energy to information technology.

President Obama has taken unprecedented steps to help bridge the skills divide and ensure that all Americans have access to the training they need to get high-wage jobs. To accomplish his goal of training an additional 2 million workers in high growth industries, the President proposed the Community College to Career Fund. This initiative would create partnerships between community colleges and businesses to train workers for jobs that exist today.

5. The United States can expect to see about 100,000 veterans returning home from Iraq and Afghanistan. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the average unemployment rate for veterans ages 18 to 24 in 2011 was 30.2 percent. In 2010, an estimated 76,000 veterans experienced homelessness on any given night, and 1.2 million veterans used mental health services that year. What will you do to make sure that our veterans are supported in their re-entry into civilian life—with vocational support that translates into good jobs with good wages; and also support for veterans whose opportunities have been limited by physical or mental injuries?

President Obama firmly believes that no one who fights for this country should have to fight for a job when they come home. Last November, he signed two new tax credits into law to help put our veterans and wounded warriors back to work today. The Obama Administration is strengthening transition programs to ensure that service members leave the military prepared for civilian careers. It has also forged unprecedented new partnerships between the military and the private sector to make it easier for companies to hire returning service members. This means greater access to jobs in manufacturing, health care, information technology, logistics, and as first responders. President Obama also launched an initiative designed to transform the federal government into the model employer of America’s veterans, and proposed a Veterans Job Corps program that would put up to 20,000 veterans back to work over the next five years as police officers and firefighters and on projects that protect our public lands and resources.

In addition to fighting for veteran jobs, the President is committed to ensuring that our veterans and their families receive high-quality health care. That’s why he signed legislation that ensures funding for veterans’ medical care is allocated a full year in advance, so veteran hospitals can count on predictable and sufficient resources for treating our returning heroes. The Obama Administration is restoring health care coverage for 500,000 veterans who were previously denied because their incomes were only slightly above the required threshold, and is expanding veterans’ access to mental health services. The Obama Administration has also taken steps to get veterans their benefits more quickly and accurately by providing new claims processors and improving training. New investments in technology have led to major improvements, including for the first time offering online applications for initial disability benefits.

Lastly, President Obama is working to ensure that our veterans continue to have access to higher education. As a senator, he pushed for the Post-9/11 GI Bill, and has ensured its successful implementation as President. As of March of this year, the Administration has helped more than 800,000 veterans and family members pursue higher education. The President also expanded eligibility and improved the Post-9/11 GI Bill to ensure that these veteran benefits can now be used for vocational programs. To ensure our veterans and military families are able to make the most of their hard-earned education benefits, this year the President issued an Executive Order establishing principles of excellence for educational institutions serving service members, veterans, spouses, and other family members. This new policy not only requires that colleges provide more transparent information about academic outcomes and financial aid options, but also cracks down on recruiting abuses and low-quality programs.

President Obama will continue to stand up for all those who have served.

For more on inequality in this election, check out Greg Kaufmann on Paul Ryan's lies about poverty

This Week in Poverty: Bigfoot, Nessie and Paul Ryan

“What’s really at work here is the spirit of the Lord,” would-be Vice President Paul Ryan said in a speech on poverty and upward mobility before conservative Ohioan churchgoers on Wednesday. “And there is no end to the good that it can inspire.”

But apparently there is an end—because it can’t inspire anyone on the Republican ticket to deliver an honest speech about poverty.

Sure, Ryan and Governor Romney repeatedly recite the number of people living in poverty or needing food stamps, using the statistics as a bludgeon against President Obama’s record. But beyond that? Bigfoot and Nessie got nothing on the myths these guys spin, and they are just about as fact-based.

“In this war on poverty, poverty is winning,” Ryan declared.

Except that poverty would be twice what it is today—nearly 30 percent—were it not for the safety net Ryan objects to.

No one disagrees with the notion that ideally people would need no assistance, and that good jobs with family-supporting wages and healthcare benefits would be available for all. But we live in a country where 50 percent of the jobs pay less than $34,000 a year, and 25 percent of jobs pay less than the poverty line for a family of four (less than $23,000 annually).

“We’re still trying to measure compassion by how much government spends, not by how many people we help escape from poverty,” Ryan insisted.

In fact it’s Ryan who is entirely focused on how much government spends on antipoverty measures—and wildly exaggerating those figures, at that (read on). Advocates, researchers and policymakers closely examine which programs are lifting people out of poverty, and which aren’t. For example, we can see how effective unemployment insurance, the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), food stamps (SNAP) and the Child Tax Credit (CTC) have been in lifting millions of people above the poverty line. Just as we can see the ineffectiveness of cash assistance (TANF)—a block grant to states that Ryan touts as a model for what we should be doing with Medicaid and SNAP.

“President Clinton and the Congress recognized that it would be a good idea to give states more power to tailor welfare to the unique needs of their citizens,” said Ryan. “Mitt Romney and I want to apply this idea to other anti-poverty programs, such as Medicaid and food stamps.”

Ryan is alluding to the TANF program created under welfare reform in 1996, and he and the Republicans aren’t alone in misleading the public about its effectiveness—many Democrats are complicit as well.

The fact is that for every 100 families with children in poverty, only twenty-seven now receive cash assistance—down from sixty-eight prior to welfare reform. The benefit level in most states is below 30 percent of the poverty line—less than about $5,400 for a family of three. Further, with states given wide discretion over eligibility and time limits—or even using TANF block grants to plug state budget holes—we now have fifty different systems in place. That means in Wyoming, about 4 percent of the state’s poor families with children receive cash assistance. In Mississippi, it’s approximately 10 percent. But in Washington State, for every 100 families with children in poverty, nearly fifty receive cash assistance. Just looking at the varying cash assistance programs makes it clear that this assertion by Ryan simply isn’t true: “There’s a consensus in this country about our fundamental obligations to society’s most vulnerable. Those obligations are not what we’re debating in politics.”

Ryan also arguably whitewashes the history of welfare reform, or at best cherry-picks his intelligence. He attributed the employment successes in the immediate aftermath of welfare reform to the new legislation rather than to the booming economy of the mid-1990s, and doesn’t look at the full sixteen years of the program to draw his conclusions.

“Instead of seeing increases in hunger and poverty, we saw welfare enrollment drop dramatically, as millions of our fellow citizens gained new lives of independence,” Ryan said. “We saw child poverty rates fall over 20 percent in four years—and we saw employment for single mothers rise.”

It’s true that in those early years of unprecedented economic growth, some people were fortunate enough to rise above poverty through jobs, or jobs combined with assistance. But the lesson of the decade following welfare reform is that those who weren’t able to find jobs fell into deep poverty—living below half the federal poverty line (less than $9,000 annually for a family of three today)—no longer able to get cash assistance that was left to the discretion of the states. In 2005—according to a Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) analysis using the National Academy of Sciences recommended poverty measure—had the safety net been as effective as it was prior to welfare reform, there would have been 1.1 million children in deep poverty; instead there were 2.4 million. This trend has continued—the latest US Census Bureau data reveals 20.4 million people in deep poverty, including more than 15 million women and children. That’s up from 12.6 million people in 2000—a 62 percent increase.

The TANF block grant is also funded at the same level as it was in 1996—it wasn’t indexed for inflation—so it has lost about 30 percent of its value and reaches fewer people. In fact, during the recession—when we saw the greatest need for assistance since the Great Depression—TANF caseloads barely budged or even declined in some states. In contrast, food stamps rose from helping 26 million to 46 million people—responding to increased need just as the program was designed to do. As people return to work with decent wages, food stamp caseloads will decline. Finally, the improvements in child poverty rates that Ryan alluded to were lost with the recessionas were the early gains in single mothers’ employment.

But facts be damned, Ryan offered up this assessment as to why people in poverty are struggling today: “Here’s the problem: The welfare-reform mindset hasn’t been applied with equal vigor across the spectrum of anti-poverty programs.”

What would “the welfare reform mindset”—also known as the block grant—mean to Medicaid and food stamps?

According to the CBPP, Ryan’s Medicaid plan calls for $810 billion in cuts, plus savings of $1.6 trillion achieved through repealing the Affordable Care Act’s Medicaid expansion and its subsidies to help low- and moderate-income people purchase health insurance. The Center for American Progress Action Fund writes that the cuts would cause 31 million Americans to lose access to health insurance over the next ten years—predominantly children, seniors, people with disabilities and the working poor. Ryan also proposes $134 billion in cuts to food stamps (SNAP), which according to the CBPP, would result in as many as 8 million to 10 million people being cut from the program. In all, the CBPP reports that Ryan would get at least 62 percent of his $5.3 trillion in nondefense budget cuts over ten years “from programs that serve people of limited means.”

Ryan attempts to justify his drastic cuts through bogus assertions such as this one: “Total federal and state spending on means-tested programs came to more than one trillion dollars.… For that amount of money, you could give every poor American a check for $22,000.… We spend all that money attempting to fight poverty through government programs.”

But we don’t. Earlier this week, author and Georgetown University law professor Peter Edelman took on that recycled conservative talking point.

He noted that nearly half of that money is spent on Medicaid, “with the bulk going to pay hospitals and nursing homes and physicians.” The $1 trillion figure also includes the Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credits—which reward low-wage workers (including people above the poverty line) with refundable tax credits and have enjoyed longtime bipartisan support. These credits have also been linked to raising standardized test scores of children in low-income families and yet the Ryan-led House would let the expansion of the EITC and the CTC expire. Programs such as Head Start, community development programs and childcare “help low-income children grow up and find their way out of poverty,” Edelman writes. Food stamps, housing vouchers, Pell Grants and job training are all responses “to the disastrous state of our labor market that is leaving millions of hard workers in poverty or close to it.”

Ryan took issue with these kinds of government investments in families, saying, “The real debate is about whether they are best [made] by private groups, or by the government; by voluntary action, or by more taxes and coercive mandates from Washington.” His vision is one of “churches and charities and friends and neighbors” making a difference in people’s lives in lieu of current government investments. He shared some stories about people doing on-the-ground work in communities, trying to make a difference, “and the needy people who have encountered them feel a presence greater than just one compassionate soul.”

Aside from his patronizing view of people living in poverty as “needy people,” Ryan’s sense of the scale at which NGOs and individuals can operate is completely skewed. Katie Wright, research associate at the Center for American Progress Action Fund, writes, “Should cuts to supplemental nutrition assistance in the Ryan budget take effect, churches across America would need to come up with $50,000 each to make up the difference.”

Fifteen years ago, labor economist Rebecca Blank made the point that replacing the $77 billion a year that the federal government spent on AFDC (TANF’s predecessor), food stamps, and cash assistance to the elderly poor would require “every one of the 258,000 religious congregations (Catholic, Protestant, Jewish, Muslim or otherwise) that exist in this country to raise an additional $300,000 per year in all future years…and spend all of the increase on services for the poor. Alternatively, if this giving is done through private charitable organizations that serve the poor, it would require those groups to raise over seven times more in private donations than they currently receive.”

But perhaps the thing that is most damning to the world according to Ryan is this: if indeed it is the safety net that is holding people back, shouldn’t we see lower poverty rates in the states where the safety net gets out of the way? And yet consider the states with the worst child poverty rates: Mississippi, 32 percent; Louisiana, 29 percent; South Carolina, Alabama, Arkansas—28 percent… According to First Focus, “States with traditionally high overall rates of child poverty also tend to be states with lower levels of public spending on children…and also areas that collect a significant amount of state revenue in ways detrimental to lower-income families.”

Here’s the terrible, terrible thing about facts: they tend to get in the way of things we might otherwise like to believe in—like Bigfoot, Nessie and Ryan’s account of how the Spirit moves.

Victory

This week, Florida’s Broward County took a firm stand against the stealing of workers’ wages, passing the Wage Recovery Ordinance despite strong opposition from business groups. Broward is now officially the second county in Florida to implement this program, after Miami-Dade, which passed the first ordinance in 2010 and so far has been able to recover $511,429.26 in unpaid wages through conciliation. Broward’s Wage Recovery Ordinance creates a resource for thousands of workers who currently have nowhere to turn when they do not receive their earned wages.

“We understand some business owners may need more education on wage and hour laws, but that should not be at the expense of workers who are not being paid and have no reasonable way to recover the salaries they need to subsist,” says Jeanette Smith, Director of South Florida Interfaith Worker Justice (SFIWJ). “What we don’t understand is why some business associations are so intensely opposed to an ordinance that will protect honest businesses and will put money in the pockets of Broward consumers, [and] positively affect Broward’s overall economy?” SFIWJ is a member of the Florida Wage Theft task Force, a coalition of organizations that has worked closely with workers and community groups to support the Ordinances in Miami-Dade, Palm Beach, and now in Broward.

Get Involved

More than 1,900 organizations nationwide, representing millions of people, have come together in support of four principles to guide our nation on a responsible path in the upcoming budget negotiations.

Under the coalition name of Strengthening America’s Values and Economy (SAVE) for All, these groups have signed a letter to Congress urging that any budget plan: (1) protect low-income and vulnerable people; (2) promote job creation to strengthen the economy; (3) increase revenues from fair sources, and (4) seek responsible savings by targeting wasteful spending in the Pentagon and elsewhere.

There is great diversity in the groups and individuals who have signed the letter: more than 275 faith-based organizations, dozens of housing and homelessness service providers, labor, emergency food providers and other anti-hunger groups, community action agencies, children’s service providers, small businesses and small-business organizations, physicians and health groups, women’s organizations, peace groups and many others.

The letter has been sent to every and senator and representative’s office and is also being used now by organizations and individuals in meetings or calls with their representatives.

You can get involved in this effort here.

New Study

“We have had tremendous success in talking about the school-to-prison pipeline,” said Malika Saada Saar, executive director of the Human Rights Project for Girls, at a congressional briefing on a new report—“Improving the Juvenile Justice System for Girls: Lessons from the States.” “And we have really changed the thinking of young people behind bars, and what they must endure behind bars. But it is not the girls’ narrative, which is one of physical and sexual abuse and trauma, and how that leaves girls to be vulnerable and then pipelined into our juvenile justice system.”

Authored by Peter Edelman of the Georgetown Center on Poverty, Inequality, and Public Policy, and the center’s former executive director, Liz Watson, the report grew out of a policy series focusing on how public systems respond to the challenges facing marginalized girls and young women.

It explores the impact of poverty and violence on girls’ lives; investing in community-based supports that keep girls out of the system; providing girls with gender and culturally responsive, trauma-informed services and support; and keeping girls out of juvenile prisons and the adult criminal system. The report bases its federal and state recommendations on successful reforms in Connecticut, Florida and Stanislaus County, California.

Recognized

My good friend, Greg Asbed, member of the heroic Coalition of Immokalee Workers, was presented with the 2012 John Egerton Prize by the Southern Foodways Alliance (SFA).

In The Atlantic, Corby Kummer described the SFA as “this country’s most intellectually engaged (and probably most engaging) food society.” The prize was created in honor of Egerton’s work “chronicling and championing the cause of civil rights in America, and for his contribution to our understanding of the power of the common table.”

Before accepting the award, Asbed participated in a panel discussion along with Georgia cattleman Will Harris and restaurateur Nick Pihakis. They discussed the hidden costs of a food system that focuses on producing cheap food, and paths toward producing sustainable and affordable food that protects the people, animals and environment involved in its production.

I know Greg will want nothing to do with this write-up. But he will want people to get involved with CIW here.

City Life/Vida Urbana—a Boston-based bilingual community organization that has fought for racial, social, and economic justice and gender equality for twenty-eight years—received the thirty-sixth Annual Letelier-Moffitt Human Rights Award from the Institute for Policy Studies (IPS). The award is named for former IPS colleagues Orlando Letelier and Ronni Karpen Moffitt, who were killed on September 21, 1976, when agents of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet detonated a car bomb. The award ceremony honors the memory of Letelier and Moffitt while celebrating new heroes of the human rights movement from the United States and the Americas.

In response to the foreclosure crisis, City Life/Vida Urbana launched the Post-Foreclosure Eviction Defense campaign to help keep people facing foreclosure in their homes. Victories won by hundreds of organized families are building public and political pressure, and driving legislative reform and similar campaigns across the region.

Articles, Briefs, and other Resources

Baltimore Witnesses to Hunger Exhibit,” Center for Hunger-Free Communities

Child Care Increasingly Expensive, Even As Public Assistance Declines,” Sheila Bapat

How Mandatory Minimums Forced Me to Send More Than 1,000 Nonviolent Drug Offenders to Federal Prison,” by Judge Mark W. Bennett

The tenacity of school segregation,” Steve Bogira

Debate debate on single mothers and crime,” Phillip Cohen

Justice Department alleges ‘school to prison pipeline’ in Mississippi,” Susan Ferriss

Welfare Changes Save State Money, Fate of Ex-Recipients Unclear,” Ron French

“One Degree of Separation: Education, Sex, and Family Planning among New York City’s Homeless Mothers,” Institute for Children, Poverty, and Homelessness.

Dream Defenders Will Address School-to-Prison Pipeline During the Last Presidential Debate,” By Allison Kilkenny

Documenting Hunger and Poverty,” Maryland Morning with Sheilah Kast

A blueprint for economic mobility,” Maurice Lim Miller

Ten Worst States for Women’s Wage Equality,” National Women’s Law Center

Making Bail Better,” Nick Pinto

Stop the witch-hunt against single parents!” Elianne Ramos

Stop Killing Our Youth: Protest Against Police Brutality,” by Francis Reynolds (VIDEO)

An odd conservative split on Propositions 34 and 36,” Dan Turner

Preventable Chronic Disease in US Metropolitan Areas,” Timothy Waidmann

Congress still has time to get it right,” Deborah Weinstein

Catholics want more focus on poverty than abortion: survey,” Mary Wisniewski

9 Ways Ryan Rhetoric Masks Reality of his Proposals,” Katie Wright

Paul Ryan Takes a Side in The War on Poverty: He’s Against What Works” by John Nichols

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $23,021 for a family of four): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Children in poverty: 16.1 million, 22 percent of all children, including more than one in three African American and Latino children. Poorest age group in the country.

Poverty rate among families with children headed by single mothers: 40.9 percent.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20.4 million people, 1 in 15 Americans, including more than 15 million women and children.

Twice the poverty level (less than $46,042 for a family of four): 106 million people, more than 1 in 3 Americans.

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Youth employment: lowest level in more than 60 years.

Poverty-level wages, 2011: 28 percent of workers.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Gender gap, 2011: women 34 percent more likely to be poor than men.

Gender gap, 2010: women 29 percent more likely to be poor than men.

People age 50 and over at risk of hunger every day: 9 million.

Percentage of US population in poverty at some time before age 65: over 50 percent.

Impact of public policy, 2010: without government assistance, poverty would have been twice as high—nearly 30 percent of population.

Impact of public policy, 1964–1973: poverty rate fell by 43 percent.

Quote of the Week

“In the year 2037, could we still be sending our white children and our black and brown children to separate schools? Aren’t we better than that? Not yet we aren’t.”
      —Steve Bogira, “The tenacity of school segregation

Research assistance provided by Christie Thompson.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Please comment below. You can also e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

This Week in Poverty: What We Talk About When We Talk About Poverty

Here’s a twist: in the second presidential debate, one candidate used the word “poverty” without saying anything about poverty; the other didn’t use the word at all but managed to speak a fair amount about it.

Make sense? Stay with me.

Governor Romney used this talking point: “There are 3 1/2 million more women living in poverty today than when the president took office”; and again, “I mentioned 3 1/2 million women more now in poverty than four years ago.” He also used what has become a staple of his campaign as a bludgeon against President Obama’s record: “There are more people in poverty—one out of six people [lives] in poverty.”

What he didn’t do was offer any notion as to how a Romney administration would create opportunities for low-income people—people who decidedly aren’t included in his binders. Except for maybe this—in response to a question about limiting the availability of assault weapons: “But gosh, to tell our kids that before they have babies, they ought to think about getting married to someone—that’s a great idea because if there’s a two-parent family, the prospect of living in poverty goes down dramatically.”

Does he really think that parents—teen parents and single parents who know this struggle better than anyone—aren’t telling their children to wait to have babies? That they want better circumstances for them than they have had themselves?

He’s right that poverty rates go down for two-parent families. It’s also true that they go down for two-earner families: only 4 percent of households with more than one earner are in poverty, as compared to 24 percent of households with a single earner, according to a report last year from Half in Ten. Marriage isn’t the only route to two incomes (nor does marriage always result in two incomes). The Romney-Ryan ticket and the GOP might want to reconsider, for example, their opposition to investing in job training programs that can lead to good jobs for young people and a path to the middle class.

As for marriage, instead of simply telling people “get married,” Romney might also look at astronomical incarceration rates—especially for minority men in urban areas; low real wages at the bottom and their link to declining unionization; differences in public schools for the haves and have-nots; and racial discrimination in the job and housing markets. Attention to these macro issues would do a lot to increase hope and access to real economic opportunities, which is a great way to support strong families. Gosh, that’s a great idea, you might say.

Romney and the GOP might also consider meeting families—and single mother-headed families—where they are instead of where the GOP wishes they would be. That means investing in federal childcare assistance that currently reaches roughly one in seven families who qualify for it (tough to work when you don’t have a safe place for the kid); raising the minimum wage, which stagnates at $7.25 an hour and results in sub-poverty earnings of $15,080 for a year-round, full-time employee (in the 1960s and ’70s a worker with a full-time minimum-wage job could lift a family of three above the poverty line); reforming a cash assistance (TANF) program that reaches only 27 families for every 100 families with children in poverty, and often traps women in low-wage work rather than opening a path to a living wage; and working aggressively to close the gender pay gap.

Poverty isn’t a talking point—it’s a reality for more than half of the US population at some time before age 65, according to the Urban Institute.

For his part, President Obama did talk about poverty, even if he didn’t use what some antipoverty advocates now call “the p-word.”

“If you focus on the policy proposals and the narrative in the debate then it looks like advocates have really succeeded in getting Obama to talk about policies that address poverty—even if he’s not using the word,” Margy Waller, former senior advisor on domestic policy in the Clinton administration and currently a senior fellow at the Topos Partnership, told me. “And focusing on policies instead of words might actually be a good strategy.”

In response to the very first question from a college student about employment opportunities, President Obama spoke to the issues of low-wage work (and the majority of income from people in poverty comes from work, not benefits) and access to education.

He talked about creating “not just jobs, [but] good-paying jobs, ones that can support a family.” He commended the student for going to college but added, “I want everybody to get a great education.” He spoke of the importance of making student loans available but also the importance of access to community colleges for “young people who may have dropped out of school” and “training them for the jobs that exist right now.”

Waller noted that with regard to tax policy Obama specifically mentioned not just the middle class but “folks who are striving to get in the middle class.” This alludes to critical antipoverty work supports such as the Child Tax Credit and the Earned Income Tax Credit—both of which would be scaled back by the GOP despite longtime bipartisan backing from the likes of Presidents Ford and Reagan.

Obama framed the issue of funding for Planned Parenthood as one of access to affordable health care—“not just contraceptive care” but also “for mammograms, for cervical cancer screenings. That’s a pocketbook issue for women and families all across the country.” He cited the Lilly Ledbetter Fair Pay Act and advocating for pay equity as critical “because women are increasingly the breadwinners in the family. This is not just a women’s issue. This is a family issue.” He expanded on that economic argument to include “child care and the credits that we’re providing, that make a difference in terms of whether [women] can go out there and earn a living for their family…. One of the things that makes us grow as an economy is when everybody participates and women are getting the same fair deal as men are.”

Waller said research suggests that the way we usually talk about poverty—even using the words “poverty” and “welfare” themselves—“makes most people think about people who don’t work, and bad personal choices, and irresponsibility. People’s beliefs are now so hardened in that stereotype, it’s very hard to overcome even with evidence that says otherwise.”

She believes Obama is on the right track by offering “a new narrative that wakes people up and enables them to listen.”

“He’s talking about how we create an economy that is good for everyone,” said Waller. “It opens the door to focusing on the role of government policy in addressing issues like wage stagnation, and maintaining a wage and benefit floor for good jobs. It points to how we are all better off when everyone is contributing to our economy and civic life, and we have jobs in our local communities that are family-supporting.”

My preference is that politicians speak clearly and forcefully about poverty and how to fight it, and that they help set the record straight on so much of the nastiness and misinformation that is out there about low-income people.

But there was a clear winner on Tuesday night when it comes to talking about matters that matter to people in poverty. And a clear loser who used poverty talk as nothing more than a political ploy.

Child Poverty: Obama Goes on Record

At the Maryland Hunger Solutions annual conference in Baltimore this week, keynote speaker Dr. Michael Reisch, a leading social work educator in the United States and Distinguished Professor of Social Justice at the University of Maryland, said, “Children constitute the demographic cohort most likely to be poor, a phenomenon unprecedented in industrialized nations.”

Indeed there are 16 million children in poverty—22 percent of all kids—including more than one in three African-American and Latino children, and one in four children under age 6 from all backgrounds.

So it was very timely that the leaders of six child advocacy organizations wrote letters to President Obama and Governor Romney asking each candidate what he would do to address child poverty in America. There were three questions, including one that has been pushed for months by the #TalkPoverty movement: “What will you pledge to do in your first 100 days to address childhood poverty?” The other two focused on ensuring comprehensive healthcare, quality educational opportunities starting with Pre-K, and food security; and describing a “vision for how to permanently ensure that future generations of children will not have to face the specter of crushing poverty.”

In a detailed response, Obama wrote of the importance of the Affordable Care Act in covering tens of millions of currently uninsured Americans and providing children with preventative care. He singled out the importance of Head Start, public and private Pre-K, and childcare in providing “children from disadvantaged backgrounds with a strong start and a foundation for school success.” He described the importance of extending tax cuts for working families included in the Recovery Act, such as the expansions of the Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit, which benefit people with low-wage jobs. He pushed for infrastructure investments “to repair crumbling schools, roads, and bridges,” and passing the American Jobs Act to create 1 million jobs, and “help states keep up to 325,000 teachers.”

Obama’s long-term vision includes transforming “high-poverty neighborhoods with distressed public housing and crumbling schools into communities that are sustainable for the growth of our children.” He cited the Choice Neighborhoods programs to address housing, crime and transportation in a comprehensive way; and the Promise Neighborhoods program—modeled after the successful Harlem Children’s Zone—“where 37 communities in 18 different states already have plans in place to put education at the center of combating poverty.”

The Romney campaign informed the authors of the letter that their candidate wouldn’t respond in writing. So we’re left with—as far as the Romney-Ryan record goes—the observation that poverty is up; that there are more women in poverty now; that people in poverty are “our brothers and sisters”; and the big fat lie that Obama is “gutting the work requirement” so those very same “bothers and sisters” just get a “welfare check.”

Kudos to these six organizations for getting the most substantive comments yet about child poverty from at least one of the candidates.

The third and final presidential debate on Monday will focus on foreign policy. Child poverty is definitely a foreign policy issue as it relates to economic competitiveness and how America is viewed by the world.

As Dr. Greg Duncan—an economist and widely respected researcher on the consequences of childhood poverty—recently told me: “What’s at stake is whether America will be able to maintain its position as a leading economic power in the next generations. Not to mention that America prides itself on offering people at all levels a chance for success. Rising income inequality over the past thirty years and its attendant increases in poverty should worry not only advocates for poor people but also anyone else concerned about the future of the country.”

ADAPT Disability Rights Activists Occupy Harrisburg

I’ve written previously about the state of Pennsylvania wrongfully denying 89,000 children Medicaid coverage. It seems that’s not the only vulnerable population being hit by Republican Governor Tom Corbett’s Medicaid policies.

Three hundred disability rights activists with ADAPT demonstrated and engaged in nonviolent civil disobedience over four days in Harrisburg. They protested Corbett’s rolling back of home- and community-based Medicaid services—services put in place by both Republican and Democratic governors—that have allowed people with disabilities to live independently instead of in nursing facilities and institutions. With states across the nation facing similar cuts, Harrisburg launched ADAPT’s state-by-state “My Medicaid Matters” organizing campaign.

Over the four day period, ADAPT activists demonstrated outside of the governor’s mansion; occupied the State Capitol rotunda as well as the offices of the governor and the chairs of the House and Senate Appropriations committees; shut down the office of Secretary Gary Alexander at the Department of Public Welfare (DPW). They also held a simultaneous rally with disability rights activists in Olympia, Washington, who are facing similar cuts; and surrounded the Romney campaign office to protest the candidate’s plan to cut somewhere between $800 billion to $1.5 trillion from Medicaid over the next ten years—more than one-third of the entire federal cost of the program.

“You can’t just make cuts without understanding what good the existing money does,” said Shona Eakin of Erie ADAPT. “Our lives are not a business. Home services help my husband and I work and raise our children. The Romney-Ryan plan threatens our two children as well as us.”

The activists demanded a meeting with Corbett and members of the Pennsylvania General Assembly to talk about ADAPT’s ten-point plan for shifting Medicaid spending from institutions and nursing facilities to community-based services. The group obtained a promise of a meeting with Secretary Alexander but the governor refused to send a representative. Because previous talks with Alexander have been unfruitful and Corbett is the ultimate decision maker, activists continued their protest and eighty-three were arrested.

“Governor Corbett would rather arrest us than meet with us, even when we have identified that the state could leverage about $185 million in additional federal funds to increase the use of community-based services and supports,” said Pam Auer of Central Pennsylvania ADAPT.

I’ll report back on how the organization fares in its efforts to speak with the Corbett Administration, and on the “My Medicaid Matters” campaign as it continues around the nation.

Featured Action

Justice Bus: Thursday, October 25th, 8:30 am–4 pm, 1805 W. Alabama St., Houston. A mobile protest to demand justice for labor abuses experienced by Houston workers, the bus stops at restaurants, contractor’s offices and residences of unscrupulous employers. There will be about sixty riders—workers, community members, faith leaders, students, and volunteers.

The action is designed to draw a stark contrast between the image that the city’s elected officials and business leaders project—of Houston as offering a prosperous economy, low unemployment rates, and a low cost of living—and the reality that millions of working families experience, including wage theft, poverty wages, lack of benefits, and a devaluation of their work.

Riders will kick off the Justice Bus at City Hall where they will present Mayor Annise Parker with hundreds of non-sufficient funds checks representing the $753 million dollars working families in Houston lose every year due to wage theft.

“We met with the Mayor earlier this year to ask for a legal analysis of [a] wage theft ordinance and ways in which it could be implemented,” José Eduardo Sanchez, campaign organizer with Houston Interfaith Worker Justice, told me. “While we got a positive response, we have seen absolutely no action.”

Interlude with Brain Hero

Events

A briefing on a new report: “Improving the Juvenile Justice System for Girls: Lessons from the States,” Tuesday, October 23, 9:30–10:30 am, Room SVC 212-10 in the US Capitol Visitors Center. Sponsored by the Center on Poverty, Inequality & Public Policy, the National Crittenton Foundation, Campaign for Youth Justice, Human Rights Project for Girls, and the National Juvenile Justice & Delinquency Prevention Coalition. RSVP: jjadvocate@cfyj.org. The Center on Poverty will also host a Twitter town hall following the briefing. Join them @GtownLawPovCntr.

Florida Association for Community Action’s 3rd Annual Symposium on Poverty: Friday, October 26, 8:00 am–1:00 pm, FAMU College of Law, 201 Beggs Avenue, Orlando. The event is designed to raise awareness regarding the issues of poverty in Florida and identify solutions to address its root causes. The symposium will set the stage for the development of legislation to enact a Florida Commission on Poverty.

Clips

Two students, two high schools, two divergent paths to college,” Steve Bogira

Chicago schools: even more segregated than they seem,” Steve Bogira and Jena Cutie

Group Running Racist ‘Obama Phone’ Ad Has Close Ties to Congressional Republicans,” Lee Fang

Walmart Workers Walkout,” by Liza Featherstone

Candidates’ Views On Poverty Get Little Attention,” Pam Fessler

Ohio weighs future expansion of Medicaid,” Kate Giammarise

ACLU Sues Morgan Stanley Over Mortgage Loans,” Jessica Silver-Greenberg

Ohio pushes welfare recipients to find work and exit the system,” Mark Guarino

Still No Straight Answers on Social Security,” Tim Price

Collateral Damage in the War on Women,” Akiba Solomon

Studies, briefs, and other resources

Safe, Stable Homes Lead to Healthier Children and Families: Two studies from Baltimore and Boston,” Children’s HealthWatch. The studies show that stable, affordable housing improves the health of children and the well-being of families. Children’s HealthWatch analyzed over 10,000 surveys from caregivers of young children in Baltimore and Boston. The evidence illustrates the connection between lack of affordable housing, strained budgets and poor health outcomes for children from low-income families. For example, in Massachusetts, children in families who had moved two or more times in the past year were 59 percent more likely to have been hospitalized than were children in housing-secure families. Also, children in families behind on rent were 52 percent more likely to be at risk for developmental delays compared to those in housing secure families.

The Chained CPI: What It Is and What It Means For Women,” National Women’s Law Center. The CPI determines the cost of living adjustment (COLA) Social Security beneficiaries receive each year. Some want to use a new measurement, the chained CPI, to calculate the COLA. Proponents are calling it nothing more than a “technical fix”—it is anything but.

“LIHEAP Households,” National Energy Assistance Directors Association (NEADA). The situation for low-income households struggling to pay their home energy costs appears to be worsening as winter approaches. Funding for the Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP) has been reduced—from $5.1 billion in FY 2010 to $3.471 billion for the current fiscal year—and forecasters are predicting a colder, wetter winter. The total number of households receiving LIHEAP grants fell from 8 million in 2011 to 6.9 million in 2012. With millions of families facing the prospect of needing to choose between heating their homes and buying food, medicine and other daily essentials, the National Fuel Funds Network (NFFN) is urging Congress to take all necessary steps to provide additional funding for LIHEAP. “We ask everyone to call their members of Congress and ask them to increase funding for this important program by any means necessary,” said NFFN executive director George Coling.

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $23,021 for a family of four): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Children in poverty: 16.1 million, 22 percent of all children, including more than one in three African American and Latino children. Poorest age group in the country.

Poverty rate among families with children headed by single mothers: 40.9 percent.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20 million people, 1 in 15 Americans.

Twice the poverty level (less than $46,042 for a family of four): 106 million people, more than 1 in 3 Americans.

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Youth employment: lowest level in more than 60 years.

Poverty-level wages, 2011: 28 percent of workers.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Gender gap, 2011: women 34 percent more likely to be poor than men.

Gender gap, 2010: women 29 percent more likely to be poor than men.

People age 50 and over at risk of hunger every day: 9 million.

Percentage of US population in poverty at some time before age 65: over 50 percent.

Impact of public policy, 2010: without government assistance, poverty would have been twice as high—nearly 30 percent of population.

Impact of public policy, 1964–1973: poverty rate fell by 43 percent.

Quote of the Week

“How do people who are poor and disabled get a voice, their own voice, without people speaking for them? They can’t buy entrance to conferences or fundraisers, so they have to break the door down.”
      —Amber Smock, Chicago ADAPT activist

Research assistance provided by Christie Thompson.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Please comment below. You can also e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

#TalkPoverty: Fifteen Questions for the Second Presidential Debate

I’m not exactly sure how tonight’s town hall-style debate will work—whether Candy Crowley will have the opportunity she surely deserves to push President Obama and Governor Romney further in their responses to questions posed by the audience.

If she does, I hope she will consider these questions below. They are just fourteen (and one posed by me) of the thirty-one questions offered by experts and also families that have lived in poverty as part of The Nation’s “#TalkPoverty: Questions for Obama and Romney” campaign. Most of these were offered before the first debate, but since they weren’t asked or answered, we’re asking again. Thank you Peter Edelman, Mariana Chilton, Jessica Bartholow, Tim Casey, Lisalyn Jacobs, and Equal Voice families for all of your great questions.

The Nation encourages you to tweet this article to @CrowleyCNN and your networks—who knows, maybe we’ll get lucky and a town hall participant will read it too. Use #TalkPoverty to push your own questions about poverty during the debate and to weigh in on whether the candidates are taking this issue seriously enough.

Finally, join Nation writers, editors and readers tonight for an online debate watch party complete with humor and analysis.

* * *

1. More than 20 million people in America have with incomes below half the poverty line—less than about $9,000 for a family of three. That’s up from 12.6 million in 2000. What will you do to address this growing problem?

2. One-fifth of US children are poor. Do you agree that national policy should assure an above-poverty income to all children whose parents are willing to work?

3. One in five children in the United States struggles with hunger. As president, what would you do about our growing hunger crisis in America—especially for young children?

4. Poverty rates are 30 percent higher for women than men. What would you do to reduce the gender poverty gap?

5. Rural poverty persists as a blight for people across the country, from Appalachia to the Mississippi Delta and the Alabama Black Belt to the colonias of south Texas, and Indian reservations in many places. What will you do to help reduce the poverty in these places?

6. Investments in early childhood are key to children’s prospects for productive lives. Yet federal assistance for childcare currently reaches only about one in seven of those who are eligible. What will you do to increase the availability of quality childcare to more low-income children?

7. Government statistics show 106 million people with incomes below twice the poverty line—below about $46,000 for a family of four. This reflects the large number of low-wage jobs in the nation. What will you do to increase the income of these people who are struggling to make ends meet every month?

8. What is the appropriate role for the government in improving the likelihood that an honest day’s work earns a living wage?

9. Despite their above-average employment rates compared to single mothers in other high-income countries, single mothers in the United States have higher poverty rates. What would you do to reduce poverty for single mothers and their children?

10. Urban concentrated poverty has climbed again close to the high point it reached in 1990. What will you do to help improve the quality of life of people who are currently isolated in America’s inner cities?

11. As you consider changes to the tax code, what types of tax credits do you envision creating, retaining or eliminating that focus on low-income families (e.g., earned income tax credit, child tax credit, low-income housing tax credit, others)?

12. What will you do to make sure that veterans are supported in their re-entry into civilian life—with vocational support that translates their skills into good jobs with good wages; and to support veterans whose opportunities have been limited by physical or mental injuries?

13. How will you ensure that all children—especially children from families who cannot afford to pay for postsecondary schooling—can earn an advanced degree?

14. The unemployment rate for 18 to 29-year-olds for August 2012 was 12.7 percent. How will you help young parents who need the opportunity to earn a living wage for their families?

15. Bonus: According to AARP, 9 million people age 50 and over are at risk of hunger every day. What will you do to focus on this problem, and especially hunger among seniors?

This Week in Poverty: Cutting Poverty in Half in Ryan’s Wisconsin

In last night’s vice presidential debate, Congressman Paul Ryan twice brought up the Republican ticket’s talking point that 15 percent of Americans live in poverty, and twice failed to offer a single idea on how a Romney administration would help create opportunities for low-income people.

He simply insisted, “We want to get people out of poverty, in the middle class, on to lives of self-sufficiency.”

The good news is that if Ryan truly wants to reduce poverty in a significant way—to make his mark as a champion of low-income people—he need not look any further than the thinkers in his own Badger State.

Four years ago, Community Advocates Public Policy Institute in Milwaukee asked: what would it take to reduce poverty in the state by more than half, to a rate below 5 percent? The institute spoke with a bipartisan group of local and national advisers, narrowing a pool of twenty-five possible policy changes down to four. Last month they rolled out their final proposal. Through sophisticated and widely respected quantitative modeling, Urban Institute demonstrated that the policies would reduce poverty by between 58 and 81 percent in Wisconsin.

The four recommendations are simple and clear:

  1. Create a senior and disability tax credit
  2. Expand a transitional, subsidized jobs program
  3. Increase the minimum wage to $8 an hour
  4. Reform the Earned Income Tax Credit

These four policy changes were chosen in part because they lend themselves to accurate modeling. Urban Institute concluded that implementation would dramatically reduce poverty for children, adults under 65, and seniors; people of all races; and for workers and those who can’t work.

“This report is one step in overcoming this fatalism that there’s nothing that can be done about poverty—one step in slaying that myth,” said Conor Williams, an economic policy analyst and consultant on the project.

“We can reduce the poverty rate to under 4 percent or 3 percent if we want to,” said senior fellow David Riemer.

The project looked at the 435,000 people in Wisconsin living below the poverty line in 2008: 100,000 were children; 60,000 were 65 or older; and about 60,000 were disabled and couldn’t work. That left 215,000 people of working age who were capable of working—nearly 20 percent of whom indeed worked full-time, all year long. The next largest group was those who either worked full-time part of the year, or worked part-time throughout the year.

“So the vast majority of adults in poverty are working—and they have both the desire and capacity to work,” said Williams. “The current situation is a market failure, and three of the four policies are small supplements to make the market function correctly so that working people are able to lift themselves out of poverty.”

With the proliferation of low-wage work those kinds of supplements are sorely needed. The Economic Policy Institute reports that 50 percent of jobs in the United States pay less than $34,000 per year, and 25 percent pay less than $23,000 annually (less than the poverty level for a family of four).

One key policy that supports low-wage workers is the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC)—championed by knee-jerk liberals such as Presidents Ford and Reagan. The proposed reforms would provide up to $3,500 per worker, and up to $5,000 for working families with children.

“The current EITC favors families with children, and disfavors childless adults, many of whom are young men,” said Williams. “This new plan represents a significant increase in the tax credits available to childless adults.”

The subsidized transitional jobs program would provide unemployed and underemployed adults with minimum wage jobs. In the past two years, 3,600 workers have participated in a demonstration project in the state, mostly working for small, for-profit businesses. Over 1,400 have gone on to secure unsubsidized employment.

“These are people with significant barriers to employment—they’ve either been out of work for a long time, have low skills, or have a significant criminal record,” said Williams. “But it shows that if you give them the opportunity to work they are as good stewards of that opportunity as the rest of us are.”

Subsidized jobs have been widely hailed by both Democratic and Republican governors—like Haley Barbour and Scott Walker—and the Recovery Act created 260,000 such jobs for low-income adults before Republicans in Congress killed the program. This kind of investment is particularly key in metro areas like Milwaukee, where just 52 percent of African-American males in their prime working years were employed in 2010, compared to 85 percent in 1970.

The third proposal that would benefit working adults is to raise the minimum wage to $8 an hour. That hardly seems extreme, given that it would be $10.55 an hour if it were adjusted for inflation in the same way that, say, individual campaign contribution limits are.

Williams said that together, all three of these work-related provisions—subsidized jobs, tax credits and an increased minimum wage—reflect “broad support for the idea that through work people should be able to provide for the basic material needs of their households.”

The final policy—a new senior and disability tax credit—would go to adults receiving Social Security or Supplemental Security Income (SSI), and make up the difference between an individual’s or couple’s resources and a poverty-level income.

The potential outcomes of this proposal are stunning and measurable. Depending on the extent of participation in the subsidized jobs program and existing programs, the 58–82 percent reduction in poverty would mean an overall poverty rate of just 1.5–3.4 percent, including: a child poverty rate that drops from nearly 8 percent (based on 2008 levels) to between 2.8 and .8 percent; an African-American poverty rate that drops from 18.5 percent to between 7.3 and 2.9 percent; and a senior poverty rate that falls from 9.1 percent to between 3.5 and 1.7 percent.


Source: Community Advocates Public Policy Institute

The Urban Institute concludes that the four policy changes alone would reduce the number of people in poverty in Wisconsin by between 252,000 and 287,000. If it were combined with full participation in existing programs that help low-income people, poverty would be reduced by 351,000 people.

The federal cost? Between $3 and $5 billion. But what can’t be modeled are the associated cost savings or multiplier effects of the investments. Williams noted, for example, that the fastest-growing departmental budget in the state of Wisconsin over the past twenty years is for the Department of Corrections—now higher than the budget for the entire state university system.

“If you care for the most marginalized you ultimately care for yourselves,” said Williams. “For $10,000 you can find a transitional job for somebody that might otherwise end up costing you $30,000 to incarcerate.”

It’s reasonable to assume there would also be significant savings gained through the huge reduction in child poverty rates. Economist Harry Holzer has put the costs of child poverty nationwide at $550 billion per year, or 3.8 percent of GDP, roughly evenly divided between lost productivity, increased crime-related costs, and increased health care costs.

“It’s a quintessentially American idea to try to extend opportunity as widely and as broadly as possible,” said Williams. “And these 435,000 people who live in poverty in the state of Wisconsin—with a small additional effort—they can be included in the opportunities that most of the rest of us enjoy.”

The focus of Community Advocates Public Policy Institute is now to speak with state legislators to advocate for bills that adopt these policies, even if it happens incrementally.

“Poverty is not inevitable. Our proposal and the Urban Institute analysis show one plausible, simple way to get the job done,” said Riemer. “There may be others. It’s a matter of will. It always has been.”

The Streak Continues: 2008–12, Will Anyone #TalkPoverty?

There are 46 million people living in poverty—on less than $18,000 a year for a family of three. 20 million live in deep poverty—surviving on less than $9,000 annually for a family of three. And there are now over 16 million children in poverty—22 percent of all kids—making them our nation’s poorest age group.

Given these horrific numbers, it is stunning that neither Jim Lehrer nor Martha Raddatz deemed poverty to be an issue worth talking about in the first two debates of the presidential campaign.

I would imagine that it’s not just antipoverty advocates who are disappointed in the lack of real discourse about this issue. In January, a poll conducted for Spotlight on Poverty—an initiative of major US foundations to foster debate on poverty and opportunity during the campaign—revealed that 88 percent of likely voters said a presidential candidate’s position on poverty was “important” in determining their vote; nearly half said it was “very important.”

Still, the blame doesn’t lie entirely with the moderators. Just as there were plenty of opportunities for President Obama and Governor Romney to address poverty in a substantive way last week, the same was true in last night’s vice presidential debate.

The Romney-Ryan ticket continues to use the poverty statistic as a bludgeon without offering a single concrete idea on how to create opportunities for low-income people, and without demonstrating the slightest understanding of what people in poverty are experiencing today.

For its part, the Obama campaign seems to have made a decision not to talk about poverty unless asked. For example, when Congressman Ryan said that his faith informs him “about how to take care of the vulnerable, about how to make sure that people have a chance in life,” Biden surely could have seized that opening had he wished to. Yes, the question was about abortion, but he could have succinctly answered and pivoted—looking in the camera the way he likes to and said:

“Look folks, Congressman Ryan talks a good game about taking care of the vulnerable, but here’s what he doesn’t tell you: that repealing Obamacare like they want to would leave 30 million Americans uninsured who would have been insured under our plan. That the Romney Medicaid cuts would leave an additional 14 to 19 million low-income people uninsured. That compensation for disabled veterans—which averages less than $13,000 a year—would be cut by one-fifth to one-third, as would pensions for low-income veterans, which now average just $11,000 a year. How’s that for thanking our veterans for their service? SSI benefits for poor elderly and disabled people—which currently average just $6,000 per year—would also be cut by one-fifth to one-third under a Romney administration. Folks, we’re talking about elderly and disabled people who are already living well below the poverty line. And why do Governor Romney and Congressman Ryan take an axe to the benefits of people who are in the most desperate situations? That’s the kicker—for one reason, and one reason only: to give more tax cuts to wealthy people who need them the least. Congressman, I got news for you, if that’s your idea of caring for the vulnerable, I think you better revisit the social doctrine of our shared Catholic faith.”

I don’t doubt that Congressman Ryan would have an articulate response to these assertions—one I’d disagree with, no doubt, but articulate nonetheless. But neither campaign is taking any initiative to have this conversation, and the moderators seem to share their view that it’s just not worth talking about.

So now it’s all about Tuesday and CNN chief political correspondent Candy Crowley. This very well might be the last shot, since the final presidential debate will focus on foreign policy. You can check out some of the poverty-related questions TheNation.com has gathered from experts and families—and tweet the ones you want answers to—to @crowleyCNN; or get involved with the Half in Ten campaign and push for a question on child poverty.

I don’t know if we will get them to #TalkPoverty in a substantive way—but I do know there’s a growing number of people trying, and that bodes well as we continue to push for attention to the aspirations of those at the bottom of our economy.

Articles and other resources

Transporting Black Men to Good Jobs,” Algernon Austin

Emanuel should give Chicagoans a Voice on City Budget,” Tom Balanoff

Shrinking Affordable Housing Creates Hardship for Survivors of Domestic Abuse,” Sheila Bapat

Yes, We Can Fight Inequality….” Annette Bernhardt

Chicago’s growing racial gap in child poverty,” Steve Bogira (*new weekly blog on segregation)

9 million elderly at risk of empty pantries,” Alesha Williams Boyd

Groups Nationwide Challenge Congress Not to Harm Low-income Americans…” Coalition on Human Needs

Why We Should Care About the Walmart Strikers,” Bryce Covert

On the Road With Working America,” Josh Eidelson

Homeless Are Fighting Back Against Panhandling Bans,” Dan Frosch

US lags behind peer countries in mobility,” Elise Gould

With shelters full, homeless families have nowhere to go,” Annie Gowen

Where Are America’s Poor?” Rabbi Steve Gutow

…Those Who Move to Less-Impoverished Neighborhoods Happier,” Carolyn Johnson

Hour-Long Special on Choices Faced By People Living in Poverty,” Marketplace Wealth and Poverty Desk

Poverty is More Than a Number,” Stephanie Schmit

On Fiscal Cliff, Progressives Issue Poverty Plea,” Jonathan Strong

Orange County revamps assistance for indigent following lawsuit,” Bernice Yeung

The Day the Babies Balked: Asking Candidates for Substance as Well as Kisses,” ZERO TO THREE

Report

Downward Slide: State Child Care Assistance Policies 2012,” Karen Schulman, Helen Blank, National Women’s Law Center. The report finds that child care assistance for low-income working women lags significantly behind demand and jeopardizes the economic stability of millions of families. Families in twenty-seven states are worse off under one or more key childcare policies in 2012 than in 2011, and better off in just seventeen states. Twenty-three states have waiting lists or frozen intake for eligible families. Seven states set new eligibility requirements that reduced the number of eligible families. Only one state reimburses providers at the federally recommended level. Securing reliable, affordable childcare is inextricably linked to the ability to work for many women, and too many are left with few options.

America’s Report Card 2012: Children in the US,” First Focus and Save the Children. The nation’s report card is in on how it supports five key areas of a child’s life—and it looks like someone is getting grounded: economic security (D); early childhood (C-); K-12 education (C-); permanency and stability (D); health and safety (C+); overall grade (C-).

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $23,021 for a family of four): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Children in poverty: 16.1 million, 22 percent of all children, including more than one in three African American and Latino children. Poorest age group in the country.

Poverty rate among families with children headed by single mothers: 40.9 percent.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20 million people, 1 in 15 Americans.

Twice the poverty level (less than $46,042 for a family of four): 106 million people, more than 1 in 3 Americans.

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Youth employment: lowest level in more than sixty years.

Poverty-level wages, 2011: 28 percent of workers.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Gender gap, 2011: Women 34 percent more likely to be poor than men.

Gender gap, 2010: Women 29 percent more likely to be poor than women.

People age 50 and over at risk of hunger every day: 9 million.

Impact of public policy, 2010: without government assistance, poverty would have been twice as high—nearly 30 percent of population.

Impact of public policy, 1964–1973: poverty rate fell by 43 percent.

Quote of the Week

“We aim to shift the debate about poverty to a serious, evidence-based discussion about which combination of policies will work best to greatly reduce poverty.”
      —from “Reducing Poverty in Wisconsin,”
          Community Advocates Public Policy Institute

Research assistance provided by Christie Thompson.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Please comment below. You can also e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

Want more Election 2012 coverage from The Nation? Sign up for our weekly Election 2012 email here.

Syndicate content
Close