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Greg Kaufmann | The Nation

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Greg Kaufmann

Poverty in America: people, politics and policy.

‘Cliff’ Deal is a Decent Start for Low-Income Americans

If you had told me in recent months that on January 2, 2013, we would have unemployment insurance extended for a year, an improved child tax credit and earned income tax credit extended for five years and no cuts to food stamps (SNAP), Medicaid or Social Security—I would have told you that you were out of your mind.

I understand that the criticism coming from the left about this deal is based largely on where things stand for the next round of negotiations, and also a concern that the deal didn’t raise sufficient revenues to avert substantial cuts down the road. But I’m troubled by the lack of attention being paid to how this deal benefits the more than one in three Americans living below twice the poverty line—earning less than $36,000 annually for a family of three, and the 46 million Americans living below the poverty line (less than $18,000 annually for a family of three).

I’m reminded today of a politically active homeless woman I spoke with earlier this year, who—although she is disgusted with Republican policies—was even more frustrated with “so-called progressives” (her words) whom she said talk about caring about poor people but fail to sufficiently speak up about their issues, bring them into their advocacy work and address their concerns in an ongoing and substantive way.

So let’s look at some of the particulars of this deal and how they affect low-income Americans.

The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and Child Tax Credit (CTC): These tax credits supplement the earnings of low-wage workers and kept 8.7 million people out of poverty in 2011—pretty key, since 28 percent of workers earned poverty-level wages last year and 25 percent of all jobs in the US pay less than the poverty line for a family of four (less than $23,000 annually). Republicans have been trying to limit the reach and effectiveness of both of these tax credits all year (and some Democrats indicated an openness to that position, especially with regard to the CTC). Getting a five-year extension on both—as well as for the American Opportunity Tax Credit that helps make college tuition more affordable—was certainly not a given heading into these negotiations. (It should also be noted, however, that while these provisions were extended for five years, the tax cuts for wealthier households making up to $450,000 annually were made permanent. Another downside, the two percentage-point cut in payroll taxes was allowed to lapse.)

Unemployment Insurance: Let’s remember that without this extension, 2 million long-term unemployed people—who are disproportionately over age 50, women and minorities—would have lost their unemployment benefits as of yesterday; another 1 million would have lost benefits by April 2013, and more than 5 million people would have been without this vital assistance by the end of 2013. Unemployment Insurance lifted 2.3 million people above the poverty line in 2011, and 3.2 million the year before that. If this extension hadn’t happened—and it was by no means a given—you can bet that would have been reflected in the 2013 poverty numbers. Just the two long-term unemployed workers over 50 whom I recently spoke with—former steel worker Richard Crowe and assisted living facility worker Edith Harrison—were staring at the possibility of losing a house and ending up homeless, respectively. The $30 billion extension will also create $48 billion in economic activity according to Moody’s chief economist Mark Zandi, and the Congressional Budget Office estimates it will also create 300,000 jobs.

Food Stamps (SNAP): A program that responded to the recession exactly as it was designed to do—lifting nearly 4 million people above the poverty line in 2011—was facing proposed cuts of $12 billion in the House and $4 billion in the Senate. The average beneficiary household has an income of only 57 percent of the federal poverty line (about $10,200 for a family of three), and 84 percent of all benefits go to households with a child, senior or disabled person. It was feared in recent months that cuts might be included in any “Grand Bargain” at a moment when one in five children experience hunger. Instead, activists, advocates and political leaders continue the fight to protect and strengthen the program.

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I understand there is still a long road ahead—Social Security, for example, which kept over 21 million people out of poverty in 2011, remains under threat. I understand that there is a fear that the GOP will repeat its insane strategy of using the debt ceiling and possible US default as leverage to demand deep cuts in entitlements and other domestic programs. (And progressives and fair-minded people will have to push back against the false GOP talking point that there have been “no spending cuts” thus far. The Budget Control Act in 2011 cut domestic discretionary spending by $1.5 trillion, and will bring non-defense discretionary spending to its lowest level as a share of GDP on record.) But the fact is there were significant gains for low-income people in this deal, and none of the feared cuts have happened. So now we continue to wage the fight we need to fight—to protect Social Security, Medicaid and vital domestic programs; invest in job creation; and push for more progressive tax reform.

In the meantime, attention must be paid to what could have easily been lost—last I checked there was still a Republican House and a filibustering Senate—and what has been protected for people who are most vulnerable in these budget decisions.

For another take on the impact of budget battles on low-income Americans, check out Bryce Covert’s breakdown here.

This Week in Poverty: US Single Mothers—'The Worst Off'

In my work covering poverty this past year, I’d be hard pressed to come up with anyone who is doing more to shatter the myths about single mothers in the United States than Tim Casey, senior staff attorney at Legal Momentum, the nation’s oldest organization advocating on behalf of the legal rights of women and girls.

Casey himself was raised by a single mother, and he is relentless in his pursuit of the facts about the real lives and living conditions of single-parent families in America—especially critical at a moment when women are demonized for being unmarried and blamed for their circumstances.

Yesterday, Casey and his colleague, Laurie Maldonado, research associate of the Luxembourg Income Study Center at the Graduate Center City University of New York, released an exhaustive new report, “Worst Off—Single-Parent Families in the United States, A Cross-National Comparison of Single Parenthood in the US and Sixteen Other High-Income Countries.”

Using data from government agencies, social scientists and researchers worldwide, the report shows that single mothers in the United States—most of whom are either separated or were previously married—are employed more hours and yet have much higher poverty rates than their peers in other high-income countries. Let me run that by you again—because it’s generally not what you’ve been reading of late in the news: the majority of single mothers in the United States are separated, divorced or widowed; and they work more hours and yet have higher poverty rates than single mothers in other high-income countries.

The employment rate for US single mothers during the mid- to late-2000s was 73 percent, compared to an average of 66 to 70 percent in peer countries.  In a 2000 comparative study of nine peer countries, 87 percent of employed US single parents were working thirty or more hours a week, compared to just an average of 64 percent of jobholding single parents in the other countries.

And yet employment isn’t keeping US single parents—more than 80 percent of whom are single mothers—out of poverty. Using 50 percent of median income as the standard for measuring poverty, US children in single mother families have a poverty rate of 63 percent when only parental earnings are considered, comparable to the 61 percent average for children in single mother families in other high-income countries. But when transfer payments are included—such as a government child allowance, unemployment insurance and other assistance programs—the US rate only declines to 51 percent, while the peer countries average poverty rate falls all the way down to 27 percent.

“The reason we have these high poverty rates for single mother families—despite their comparatively high employment rates and high share of full-time workers—is because our income support system is terribly inadequate and there’s a very high rate of low-wage work,” says Casey.

Indeed, the United States lags far behind other high-income countries in supporting the combination of “jobholding and caregiving.” In all of the comparison countries, new parents are entitled to paid leave; in the United States, just 11 percent of employees enjoyed it in 2011. The United States is the only one of the seventeen comparable countries without an entitlement to paid annual leave, which averages four weeks in peer countries. With the exception of the United States and Canada, all of the comparable nations also provide paid sick days, averaging over three days per year; and ten of the countries provide up to five days of paid leave annually to care for a sick child.

While a lack of paid leave makes it difficult for single parents to leave work in order to care for their children, a lack of affordable childcare and early childhood education options are a significant barrier to finding employment and keeping it.

In the thirteen comparison countries that are members of the European Union, pre-primary care for children ages 3 to 5 is close to universally available. In the United States, free education is generally available at least part-day for 5-year-olds, but much less so for 3 and 4 year olds—with only 20 percent and 44 percent, respectively, enrolled in a public nursery school program in 2010.

As for child care, the cost in the United States is often prohibitive. In 2011, the average annual cost of full-time care for an infant at a daycare center ranged from $4,591 in Mississippi to $20,178 in Washington, DC.  While the federal government provides some childcare subsidies for low-income parents, they reach only a fraction of those eligible and the co-pays can consume a significant chunk of a family’s income. (Georgetown University law professor Peter Edelman reported that federal assistance for childcare currently reaches about one in seven of those who are eligible.)

“We are just so far behind other countries in making early childhood education and childcare available,” says Casey.

If a single parent in the United States is able to work—which too often means placing a child in a precarious child care situation—there is a much greater likelihood that their work is in a low-wage job as compared to single parents in peer countries. In fact, in 2009, 25 percent of all US jobholders were employed in low-wage jobs, compared to an average of 14 percent in peer countries. And 40 percent of US single parents had low-wage employment—exceptionally high compared to other groups of workers in the nation.

With so many employed single mothers earning poverty wages, the lack of income support programs and health care in the US completes what is seemingly a perfect storm of financial insecurity.

All of the comparison countries provide universal health care coverage. In 2010, 11 percent of US children in single-mother families—and 26 percent of single mothers—lacked healthcare coverage.

There is also a basic “child allowance program”—ongoing cash payments to offset the costs of raising children—in every peer country except the United States. The programs either benefit every family without regard to income, or they are income-tested and benefits are reduced or eliminated, accordingly.

The United States does allow for single annual payments to many low-income families—through the Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit—provided that they have earned income. In 2011, however, approximately one-third of single mothers had no earned income. And although the tax credits lifted over 8 million people over the poverty line, Republicans are now trying to limit the reach and effectiveness of these antipoverty measures during the current budget negotiations.

If a single mother in the United States loses her job, she will find an unemployment insurance (UI) system that is less generous and more difficult to qualify for than it is in peer countries. The median durational limit for such insurance in comparable nations is fifty-seven weeks, compared to just twenty-six weeks in most US states. (Except during a recession, when the limit is normally extended.)  However, because single mothers so often work in low-wage jobs—and the average benefit is around half of prior earnings—benefits are often meager. Further, single mothers in the United States are less likely to qualify for any benefits at all—their low-wage work often doesn’t meet minimum earnings requirements, and leaving a job for childcare reasons disqualifies a worker from receiving benefits in some states. In 2010, 44 percent of all unemployed persons in the United States received unemployment benefits, but only 24 percent of unemployed single mothers.

Finally, there are the “social assistance programs” that “provide benefits to those whose income from other sources falls below a standard of minimum adequacy.”  In the United States, this includes cash welfare—the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) block grant—and food stamps (SNAP). Prior to welfare reform in 1996, for every 100 families with children living in poverty, sixty-eight received cash assistance; but by 2010 that ratio dropped to just twenty families. States have discretion to determine eligibility and time limits, so there are virtually fifty different systems. In a majority of states, the benefit levels have fallen below 30 percent of the official poverty line—so less than $6,000 for a family of three. In the comparison countries, the benefit is just below the poverty standard of 50 percent of median income.

SNAP has been much more effective in helping single mother families—about 90 percent of eligible children participate. But Republicans are pushing for a block grant instead of funding based on need—which would be as disastrous as the TANF block grant—and Democrats have joined them in proposals calling for billions of dollars in cuts to SNAP.

Finally, the report points out that over half of all children growing up in the US today will spend time in a single-parent family during their lifetime, so a substantial portion of the nation’s population is affected by the current lack of public policy support.

“Before I started working on this paper—I knew each individual aspect of disadvantage—but I hadn’t looked at them all together and seen the cumulative impact,” says Casey, who has worked on these issues for thirty-five years. “It’s the income supports, the healthcare insurance, the early education, lack of paid leave, the low-wage work. It’s the cumulative weight of all these factors that makes the title—“The Worst Off”—a fair title.”

Casey sees nothing being proposed in the current budget debate that would make life better for single mothers and their families, but says “there’s a lot going on that could make life a whole lot worse.”

“So I hope this report will help raise the profile of single-parent economic insecurity, and change the discourse,” he says. “We need to get beyond simplistic thinking and look at the range of policy options available—policies that would benefit both single parent and two-parent families—to ensure basic economic security to such a large segment of the population.”

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Get Involved

Join the Single Parent Policy Advocacy Network (SPPAN) to educate and advocate for public policies to improve the economic security of single parents and their children. Simply send an e-mail with “subscribe” in the subject line to tcasey@legalmomentum.org.

Don’t Push Jobless Americans Over the Cliff—Renew Unemployment Insurance for 2013.

Call Majority Leader Eric Cantor’s office, (202) 225-4000, tell him to pass a Violence Against Women Act that includes strong provisions to protect Native and immigrant women and LGBT survivors.

For Their Memory Shall Be a Blessing”—EndGunViolenceNow.org.

Playing Chicken with Workers’ SafetyTell USDA to Withdraw Proposed Poultry Rule.

The Deficit DebateStand Up for Programs Meeting Human Needs

Special Thanks

Over the past few months, Nation intern Christie Thompson has made this blog better with her keen insights, writing and organizational ability. She moves on to ProPublica in the New Year and she will continue to write about inequality. You can follow her on Twitter.

Clips/Resources (compiled with Christie Thompson)

Assemblymember Ammiano introduces Homeless Bill of Rights,” Carlos Alcalá

What’s at Stake for Low-Income Individuals and Families in the Fiscal Cliff?” Elizabeth Lower-Basch

Endangering the lives of children: the ceaseless train of tragedy in segregated neighborhoods,” Steve Bogira

House Republican Tax Plan,” (Infographic) Melissa Boteach

Do proposed laws need a ‘poverty impact statement’?” Cynthia Boyd

The path to Michigan’s right-to-work law,” Krissy Clark

Michigan residents seek new path to the middle class,” Krissy Clark

The Great Walmart Walkout,” Josh Eidelson

Chained CPI: Bad Deal for Kids and Low-Income Working-Age Adults,” Shawn Fremstad

Supplemental Security—Build on This Vital Support for Disabled Kids,” Shawn Fremstad and Rebecca Vallas

Drug tests for welfare recipients weighed,” Kate Giammarise

Program Cuts Far Exceed Revenue Increases Under Latest Obama Offer,” James Horney

Tax Credits Keep Millions of Working Families From Poverty,” Kathy Mulady

Don’t Reduce the Deficit on the Backs of Seniors in Need,” National Council on Aging

10 States to Increase Minimum Wage on New Year’s Day,” National Employment Law Project

Cutting Programs for Low-Income People Especially Hurts Women and Their Families,” National Women’s Law Center

How to Fight Homelessness,” New York Times

Jailed without conviction: Behind bars for lack of money,” Katy Reckdahl

Stop Humiliating the Poor: An Open Letter to Politicians and Welfare Bureaucrats,” (.pdf pages 3-4), Vicky Steinitz and Anne Wheelock

Demonizing Welfare Recipients,” Washington Post

New poultry rule could harm workers, advocates say,” Lindsay Wise

Children of working poor caught in pinch of recession,” Megan Woolhouse

Reports (co-written with Christie Thompson)

Fiscal Cliff Could Plunge Millions of Kids into Poverty,” Jared Solomon, First Focus. If tax breaks for the middle- and lowest-income bracket expire, who will pay the highest price? This study from finds that going off the “fiscal cliff” could mean even more American children fall into poverty. If the improvements to the Child Tax Credit and the Earned Income Tax Credit aren’t extended, another 1 million American children may be impoverished.

Going over the cliff also means nearly 100,000 children would lose Head Start, nearly 500,000 would lose special education services, up to 734,000 pregnant women, new moms, and infants would lose nutrition assistance, and 180,000 families would lose affordable housing. Unemployment benefits—which lifted 1 million children above the poverty line in 2011—will expire for 2 million people by the end of this year as well.

Mayors’ Annual Report on Hunger and Homelessness,” US Conference of Mayors. The Task Force on Hunger and Homelessness surveyed twenty-five cities across the country for a full picture of urban hunger and homelessness. What it found was a rising demand for emergency assistance from already strapped city budgets. Twenty-one cities said requests for emergency food assistance increased last year, and over half of those seeking help were families with children. Even though 57 percent of cities had increased their budget for nutrition assistance, almost every city still had to cut back on the amount given to individuals at pantries and emergency kitchens, and 90 percent of cities had to turn people away who were in need.  60 percent of cities also reported an increase in homelessness. Homeless families with children were turned away by emergency shelters in 64 percent of the survey cities because no beds were available.

National Baby Facts,” ZERO TO THREE. Understanding the demographics, families, health, and early learning experiences of infants and toddlers is crucial to effectively providing supports to infants, toddlers and their families. This report draws a clear picture of the 75 percent of infants and toddlers with a single parent who are in low-income families, and 35 percent of infants and toddlers with married parents in low-income families. It offers the facts on the supports and services—whether healthcare, food, housing security, or positive early learning opportunities—that play a crucial role in nurturing a young child’s development and helping all children realize their potential.

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $17,916 for a family of three): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Poverty gender gap, 2011: Women 34 percent more likely to be poor than men.

Poverty gender gap, 2010: Women 29 percent more likely to be poor than men.

Poverty rate among families with children headed by single mothers: 40.9 percent.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20.4 million people, 1 in 15 Americans, including more than 15 million women and children.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Food Stamps recipients with no cash income: 6.5 million people.

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Poverty-level wages, 2011: 28 percent of workers.

Quotes of the Week

“As the Congress and White House continue to search for ways to cut federal spending, I hope that the millions of Americans who are simply trying to keep their homes livable and their lights on do not become causalities of this effort. Programs that help low-income households—households that daily struggle to meet the burden of their home energy cost—should not be sacrificed to reduce the federal deficit. Federal energy assistance, known as LIHEAP, currently assists only 20 percent of those eligible for the program. Any reduction in funding would be devastating leaving millions with the ‘heat or eat’ dilemma. Energy poverty is very real and programs designed to help this situation should not be targeted for reduction.”
      —George Coling, retiring Executive Director, National Fuel Funds Network

“We engaged judiciary committee staff from both chambers in discussions over the VAWA tribal provisions well over a year ago, passed a strong [bipartisan] bill through the Senate eight months ago, and saw a first draft from House Judiciary regarding the tribal jurisdictional provisions just this week.”
      —Jefferson Keel, President, National Congress of American Indians,
          letter to Majority Leader Eric Cantor (12/20/12)

Christie Thompson co-wrote the “Clips/Resources” and “Reports” sections of this blog.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Today in Poverty posts earlier in the week. You can e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

Today in Poverty: An Education Wish List

A Broader, Bolder Christmas: Top Ten “Gifts” for Under the (Education Policy) Tree

Co-authored with Elaine Weiss

10. A Roof Over Every Student’s Head: Children who lack stable homes are more anxious and less focused than their peers who have adequate housing. They are also at higher risk for poor health and developmental problems, and have lower educational attainment. There is no reason why any child in the United States should not enjoy stable housing. Moreover, we end up paying more for children to sleep in cars or in shelters than we would to provide their families with apartments. It’s time to fund the National Housing Trust Fund that was signed into law by President George W. Bush but never funded.

9. School Breakfast and Lunch for All Eligible Students: Children who are hungry have difficulty concentrating and an impaired learning ability. The recession raised already unacceptable levels of child food insecurity to crisis levels. In Ohio, one in four children was at risk of going hungry in 2012. More than half of surveyed teachers told Share our Strength that they buy food to feed their hungry students. Eating school breakfasts is associated with increased math and reading scores, improved speed and memory in cognitive tests, stronger academic performance, and improved attendance and punctuality.  It’s time for schools to adopt policies like universal breakfast and breakfast in the classroom.

8. Expanded Access to Quality Pre-kindergarten: When a Nobel Laureate economist (James Heckman), chair of the Federal Reserve Bank (Ben Bernanke) and one of the nation’s best-loved billionaires (Warren Buffett) all agree that quality pre-kindergarten is the smartest public investment, shouldn’t that give us pause? A recent report on Texas’s large, poor-quality pre-k program demonstrates that even low-cost programs deliver public benefits. Expanding access in states that already provide higher-quality pre-k—like Alabama, Illinois, North Carolina, and Pennsylvania—would greatly increase those benefits. Further, Head Start currently serves fewer than half of eligible low-income 3- and 4-year-olds and needs renewed attention. Research shows that children who participated in a quality program during their preschool years are better prepared to learn, have higher self-esteem, and more developed social skills when they start kindergarten. These investments are truly a no-brainer.

7. Elimination of Waiting Lists for Child Care Subsidies: One of the policy areas hardest-hit by the recession is subsidized child care. In 2012, twenty-seven states had childcare policies that left families worse off than they were in 2011, and twenty-three denied assistance to eligible children. Only one state reimbursed childcare providers at the federally recommended level, compared to twenty-two in 2011, making it tough for them to serve low-income children. Florida alone has more than 75,000 children on waiting lists. It’s difficult for a parent to work, or even look for work, when quality, affordable childcare is unavailable.

6. Affordable physical, mental and dental medical care: Low-income children miss more school days each year—and many lack focus in class—relative to their economically better-off peers. This is due in part to higher rates of illnesses and fewer resources to address them, and it further widens the achievement gap. We urge the president to appropriate $50 million in his FY 2014 budget for school-based health center (SBHC) operations. SBHCs provide access to care for over 2 million school-aged children, protecting them from cavities and gum disease, ensuring that they can actually see their textbooks and whiteboards, reducing diabetes through diet and fitness counseling, screening and treating for depression and diverting students from emergency rooms so they can stay in school to learn.

5. Expanded learning time that delivers enriching after-school experiences: As an increasing number of states commit to expanding the school day and year, we urge them to ensure that low-income children benefit from the same kinds of mind- and world-broadening experiences as their higher-income peers. Music, arts, organized sports, chess, trips to museums and the theatre—all of these kinds of activities build on what students learn from 9–3. Adding hours simply for test preparation, however, would waste the opportunity for the kind of after-school experiences that inspired Pobo Efekoro, who says that learning to play chess literally changed his life.

4. Experienced, qualified teachers in appropriately sized classes: Low-income and minority students are disproportionately likely to be taught by less qualified and uncertified teachers. These students also go to schools with larger classes, which make the individual, tailored instruction that at-risk students need very difficult to come by. President Obama would never send his children to schools without small classes and great teachers—at-risk children need this kind of environment more than anyone.

3. Fully-resourced schools: The Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) education we seek—and physical education our children need—require properly equipped laboratories, libraries and gymnasiums in every school. Even before the recession, schools serving low-income communities were less likely to have these “amenities.” Now a growing number of districts view these basic academic necessities as extras and are stripping them from their budgets. We are certainly not going to produce learners and workers who are ready to thrive in a twenty-first-century economy if they haven’t experimented with test tubes, played on organized teams or conducted sophisticated internet-based research.

2. An enriching, holistic curriculum: Stop the madness! We say we want more STEM majors, creative thinkers, students who are college- and career-ready, and fewer obese children. It is hard to imagine how making everything contingent on math and reading test scores–resulting in neglect of science, arts, music, critical thinking and elimination of recess—can do anything but ensure that we’ll achieve exactly none of those goals. Policies that provide all children with a holistic, enriching education—and that minimize an emphasis on standardized testing—would do far more to help young people achieve their potential.

1. National policies that enable parents, families, and communities to provide children with what they need to thrive educationally. As the fiscal cliff looms, revenue and spending decisions affect not only on our nation’s budget, but our children’s educational and life prospects. The Earned Income Tax Credit, Child Tax Credit, WIC, SNAP (food stamps), Medicaid, housing vouchers and other federal programs that might seem unrelated to schooling enhance children’s ability to succeed. You can speak out to protect these vital investments here.

Elaine Weiss is the national coordinator for the Broader, Bolder Approach to Education, where she works with a high-level Task Force and coalition partners to promote a comprehensive, evidence-based set of policies to allow all children to thrive.

Must-See Farmworker Video

From Katrina vanden Heuvel: “The Coalition of Immokalee Workers, the remarkable farmworker organization in Florida that I have written about many times over the years as they continue to win victory after victory in their Campaign for Fair Food, has done it again. This time they have put together a must-see video that is mandatory watching this holiday season:”

Get Involved

Time is Running Out: Call Majority Leader Eric Cantor’s office, tell him to pass a Violence Against Women Act that includes strong provisions to protect Native and immigrant women and LGBT survivors.

Don’t Push Jobless Americans Over the Cliff—Renew Unemployment Insurance for 2013.

Call for Organizations: Sign on/Join the SSI Coalition for Children and Families (contact Rebecca Vallas—info. at link).

“For Their Memory Shall Be a Blessing”—EndGunViolenceNow.org.

Clips and other resources (compiled with Christie Thompson)

Aiming High: Hyatt Housekeepers Seek to Join Hotel’s Corporate Board,” Sheila Bapat

A model integrated community for Chicago to study,” Steve Bogira

In Fiscal Cliff Deal, Don’t Chain Grandma to Smaller Social Security Checks,” Bryce Covert

Charting the State of the U.S. Economy,” Economic Policy Institute

Dear God! When Will It Stop?” Marian Wright Edelman

Nicholas Kristof Says, ‘I’m No Expert on Domestic Poverty’ —You Can Say That Again,” Peter Edelman

Listen to the Fed: Unemployment Is the Real Problem,” William Greider

Pressure Mounts to Reauthorize VAWA,” Melissa Harris-Perry

Stop Blaming Single Mothers,” Amanda Marcotte.

Income inequality increasing in the nation’s capital,” Deborah Nelson and Himanshu Ojha

Job training offers a second shot at prosperity,” David Rohde and Kristina Cooke

SSI and Children with Disabilities: Just the Facts,” Kathy Ruffing and LaDonna Pavetti

Deal Signed to Overhaul Juvenile Justice in Tennessee,” Kim Severson

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Studies (written by Christie Thompson)

2012 Child Well-Being Index,” Kenneth C. Land, Foundation for Child Development. American families have been suffering a slow economic decline for over a decade. The annual release of the CWI by the Foundation for Child Development shows that more children are impoverished today than they were over 30 years ago. In 2011, over 20 percent of children were living in poverty, up nearly 6 percent since 2001. Families saw a significant drop in median income, and a lower likelihood of parents having stable employment. The recession isn’t solely to blame: rising poverty and falling wages started six years before the economic crisis hit.

Social Contract Budgeting: Prescriptions from Economics and History,” by Peter Lindert, the New America Foundation. For too long, our debate over sensible economic policy has been skewed by partisan politics. We now have a clear opportunity to redirect our economic way forward by promoting policies that reduce inequality and spur growth. Lindert outlines the broad strategy needed, focusing on health insurance, education, broad taxes and pensions. “Among the key strategies are investing more in the young, making social insurance more universal, and shifting to broader and more uniform taxation,” Lindert writes.

Vital Statistic

Annual firearm deaths, US: more than 12,000, highest rate of any developed country, twenty times the average of other developed nations.

Quote of the Week

“The latest terrible tragedy at Sandy Hook Elementary School is no fluke. It is a result of the senseless, immoral neglect of all of us as a nation to protect children instead of guns and to speak out against the pervasive culture of violence and proliferation of guns in our nation…. We have so much work to do to build safe communities for our children and need leaders at all levels of government who will stand up against the NRA and for every child’s right to live and learn free of gun violence. But that will not happen until mothers and grandmothers, fathers and grandfathers, sisters and brothers, aunts and uncles, and neighbors and faith leaders and everybody who believes that children have a right to grow up safely stand up together and make a mighty ruckus as long as necessary to break the gun lobby’s veto on common sense gun policy…. And we must aspire and act together to become the world leader in protecting children against gun violence rather than leading the world in child victims of guns. Every child’s life is sacred and it is long past time that we protect all our children.”
      —Marian Wright Edelman, from Dear God! When Will It Stop?

Christie Thompson co-wrote the “Clips and other resources” section of this blog, and wrote the “Studies” section.

Today in Poverty posts one day a week. This Week in Poverty posts on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. You can e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

This Week in Poverty: Kristof’s Swing and Miss

In a somewhat bizarre op-ed last Sunday, New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof acknowledged, “I’m no expert on domestic poverty,” and then seemingly set out to prove it.

He drew a dangerous and brazen, anecdotally based conclusion that the Supplemental Security Income (SSI) program, which benefits one of the most vulnerable populations in the country—low-income children with disabilities and their parents—must be cut and those resources diverted to early education initiatives in order to help children escape poverty. The thrust of Kristof’s argument is based on a secondhand account of parents in Appalachian Kentucky who allegedly pulled their children out of a literacy program in order to continue receiving disability benefits.

Let me acknowledge that I, too, am no expert. I depend on experts and researchers, advocates and academics, and low-income people who know their experiences better than anyone, to write this column. As a result, I rarely comment on the writing of others.

But in this case, we are talking about a columnist who has a profound influence on the poverty debate. In fact, sources say that the op-ed is now being endorsed by a powerful children’s advocate with an impressive progressive pedigree who is distributing it to Congressional Democratic offices. Also, Kristof showed more than a little chutzpah when he took issue with those who were critical of his column in a Sunday night tweet: “My column today turns tables, irritating many liberals and RT’d by conservatives.… A bit sad. 实事求是!” In a second tweet he translated the Chinese phrase: “‘Seek truth from facts.’ Evidence, not ideology!”

To dismiss those who would question his conclusions as reacting out of ideology, rather than acting on their own expertise or experiences, calls for a clear and thorough response. Three letters in yesterday’s Times offer a glimpse of how Kristof’s column falls short.

Georgetown University Law Professor Peter Edelman—who has dedicated nearly fifty years to the fight against poverty, including a poverty tour in Appalachia with Senator Robert Kennedy—writes, “The process for getting SSI is onerous. Medical professionals must submit evidence of an impairment that results in ‘marked and severe functional limitations’…. Illiteracy on its own is not sufficient to qualify, and doing well in school doesn’t mean a child will lose benefits.… We need to end child poverty. Slashing a program that is making a difference for disabled children will only make matters worse.”

James Perrin, the president-elect of the American Academy of Pediatrics, also writes, “Poverty is the single greatest threat to children’s well-being.” He points out that as the number of children living in poverty has grown—now up to 16.1 million, or 22 percent of all children—the percentage receiving SSI “has remained constant, at about 7.5 percent.” He describes the $615 average monthly benefit as “a lifeline for low-income families caring for children with severe physical or mental disabilities.” Perrin argues that costs associated with care for these children can be “staggering” and force parents to choose between gainful employment and taking care of their children. Finally, he takes on what Kristof describes as “the fuzzier intellectual disabilities short of mental retardation” that qualify children to receive SSI. “These are in fact mental disorders like attention deficit hyperactivity disorder or autism,” Perrin explains. “Their diagnosis is possible because of a markedly improved understanding of children’s mental health, not the exploitation of the program best suited to care for children with these and other conditions.”

Here are some facts on SSI for Mr. Kristof and those who might be influenced by his article:

  • As of October 2012, more than 8 million people collected SSI benefits, including 1.3 million low-income children under 18.

  • SSI benefit rolls have grown only slightly faster than the population—about 1.6 percent of all children in the US receive it. The modest growth is explained by the rising rate of child poverty and advances in early diagnosis of medical and psychiatric conditions.

  • Fewer than one in four children with disabilities received SSI as of August 2012—due to SSI’s means-test and strict disability standard.

  • A child’s impairments must match a list of disabling conditions compiled by the Social Security Administration (SSA). Qualified medical professionals must submit evidence; statements by parents and teachers aren’t enough.

  • The SSA approves only about 40 percent of applications.

  • The law directs SSA to review eligibility at least every three years (or sooner, in the case of low birth-weight babies) since children’s conditions may change. These reviews lead to benefit terminations for about 20 percent of cases overall and about half of low birth-weight babies.

  • Even during the recession, nearly half of children on SSI had a working parent.

  • Most families are below the poverty line without the SSI payment but above the line with the payment.

If the allegations that Kristof reports are indeed true, then these instances need to be addressed. (Although Rebecca Vallas—Community Legal Services attorney and co-chair of the national SSI Coalition for Children and Families—reports here on similar allegations that have been debunked by numerous studies, including a 2012 US Government Accountability Office report.)

“To the extent that there are flaws in the SSI program for children, it is, in large part, because reviews in the program are not adequately funded,” says Dr. LaDonna Pavetti, vice president of the family income support division at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP). In fact, last year Congress wouldn’t appropriate $140 million in unused SSA administrative funding for these “program-integrity” reviews. President Obama has requested the full amount again for 2013.

Also, where Kristof concludes that the anecdotes he reports are about “parents who think it’s best if a child stays illiterate,” I think (if they are reliable accounts) they are about parents who are unimaginably desperate—in need, ironically, of home visits that are similar to the ones Kristof touts as boosting children’s success. Kristof suggests that these families are not lacking in material—that a majority “have air-conditioning…a washing machine and dryer…microwave ovens.… What they don’t have is hope.” (Given that the county he describes has unemployment and poverty rates that are more than twice the levels for the state—and that for every 100 families in poverty in Kentucky only 24 receive Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) cash assistance—I’ll hazard a guess that they are also lacking adequate food, stable housing, preventative healthcare, decent schools, jobs with a living wage and other necessities besides hope.)

He describes a Save the Children home visit program that teaches parents “the skills they need in the world’s toughest job: parenting.” (A job that would be even tougher for a parent with a disabled child who couldn’t access SSI due to budget cuts.) The program encourages parents “to read to the children, tell stories, talk to them, hug them.” But Jessica Bartholow, legislative advocate at the Western Center on Law and Poverty—who has been using the latest research on home visits to try to improve work outcomes for low-income parents in California’s TANF program—says Kristof doesn’t quite grasp the essence of what a top-notch home visit program does either. It isn’t simply about parenting a child.

“Home visit programs are about wrapping families with the kind of support that they need to be successful—whether that is referrals to services, mental health interventions, pre-natal or post-natal parental education, or simply another adult to talk to about a challenging situation,” she says. “We cannot achieve successful child outcomes by failing to understand parents’ needs.”

She points to Kristof’s description of Anastasia McCormick—pregnant with twin boys and walking “two miles each way to her job at a pizza restaurant” due to a broken-down $500 car.

“I don’t want to write anybody off, but I admit that efforts to help Ms. McCormick may end with a mixed record,” Kristof writes, essentially writing her off. “But those twin boys she’s carrying? There’s time to transform their lives, and they—and millions like them—should be a national priority.” (In contrast to his take on Anastasia, Kristof “bets on” a young mother in the Save Our Children program.)

“A strong home visit program would actually recognize Anastasia’s resilience,” says Bartholow. “She’s pregnant and walking two miles to some low-wage job because that’s the very best she can do for her children right now. A strong program would build on that resilience and might help this young mother to identify new educational or training opportunities, for example.”

There is broad agreement with Kristof’s larger point—that there needs to be greater investment in early childhood initiatives such as home visiting, Early Head Start, universal pre-K and quality childcare. But it is reckless and irresponsible to suggest—based on anecdote—that these investments should be paid for by reducing funding for one of the most vital and successful programs that protects vulnerable families. Doing so would lead to worse outcomes for children.

“It is almost certain that even the best early childhood programs would be less effective—and possibly not effective at all—if families’ only source of income was taken away,” says Pavetti. “It is true that there is evidence that many early childhood programs are effective, but we also know that income in early childhood matters not only for school outcomes but also for employment outcomes later in life.” In fact, a $3000 annual boost in income for young children in low-income families is associated with increased educational achievement in the early grades, and a 17 percent increase in earnings when those children reach adulthood.

If Kristof is looking for resources to reinvest, he might instead turn his and his readers’ attention to the military budget, which—depending on whom you ask—is now greater than the next ten (President Obama), thirteen (Pete Peterson Foundation) or seventeen (George Will) countries’ military budgets combined.

I don’t relish critiquing Kristof’s work—he’s written too many pieces I’ve printed and saved, or referenced in my own blog. His work is an example of how writing can make a real difference in policy and in people’s lives. So I’ll end by simply saying this: “Twitta di meno, controlla di piu’ i fatti.” It’s Italian for “Tweet less, fact-check more.”

Get involved

Tell @WhiteHouse and Congress to Protect and Strengthen SNAP

Renew Unemployment Insurance

Reauthorize VAWA and Protect Native Women

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Events

Conversation for Reconciliation: Apology to Native Peoples of the United States,” December 19, 11 am, in front of the US Capitol. The 2010 DOD Appropriation Act (HR 3326) contains a buried apology to Native peoples of the United States. The apology has never been clearly communicated to the nearly 5 million Native American citizens. A diverse group of citizens will host a public reading of this bill in an effort to spark a national conversation for reconciliation between the US and Native America.

23rd Annual National Homeless Persons Memorial Day, Friday, December 21. In 2011, 175 communities representing forty-four states and the District of Columbia participated and recognized the names of almost 2,000 individuals who died last year experiencing homelessness. The National Coalition for the Homeless, the National Health Care for the Homeless Council, and the National Consumer Advisory Board co-sponsor this event to bring attention to the tragedy of homelessness and our nation’s failure to end it. Find an event near you here.

Clips and other resources (compiled with Christie Thompson)

Why Most Walmart and Fast Food Workers Didn’t Strike,” Nona Willis Arnowitz

Fox Deceptively Links Growth Of Food Stamp Program To 2009 Stimulus Bill,” Emily Arrowood


The Lottery Effect: Basing Policy on Outliers Is a Bad Idea,” Rachel Black and Aleta Sprague


Across nation, unsettling acceptance when mentally ill in crisis are killed,” Kelley Bouchard

The Veterans Homelessness Numbers Are Down: What’s Next?” Mary Cunningham

On Cory Booker and Poverty’s Psychic Costs,” Gene “G.D.” Demby

Don’t push women and families over the ‘fiscal cliff’,” Joan Entmacher

Home Care Workers Urge Obama To Follow Through On Granting Minimum Wage Protections,” Dave Jamieson

In Memphis and Elsewhere, Concentrated Poverty Harms Life Chances,” Amanda Mireles

Housing Agency’s Flaws Revealed by Storm,” Eric Lipton and Michael Moss


The Geography of Hunger in Chicago,” Whet Moser


McDonald’s $8.25 Man and $8.75 Million CEO Shows Pay Gap,” Leslie Patton

INFOGRAPHIC: We Could End Homelessness With The Money Americans Spend On Christmas Decorations,” Adam Peck


As Washington Fiddles over the Fiscal Cliff, the Real Battle Over Inequality Is Happening in the Heartland,” Robert Reich

To Help Families Locally, Changes Are Needed at the State Level,” Karon Rosa

Could You Survive on $2 a Day?,” Gabriel Thompson

For Lesser Crimes, Rethinking Life Behind Bars,” John Tierney


Helping Depressed Low-Income Mothers Give Their Young Children a Good Start,” Urban Institute panel discussion

Emerging Fiscal Cliff Deal Spares Corporations, but Not the Safety Net,” George Zornick

Reports (summaries written by Christie Thompson)

Examining Growth in the Federal Prison Population, 1998 to 2010,” by Kamala Mallik-Kane, Barbara Parthasarathy and William Adams, The Urban Institute. In the last decade, the number of federal prisoners serving time has increased by 77 percent. Most of the increase in incarceration is due to longer sentences for nonviolent crimes. Over half of those in federal custody are drug offenders, and their lengthening sentences alone accounted for one-third of the increase in prisoners. The federal government also increasingly cracked down on undocumented immigrants, who now make up 12 percent of our prisons’ population. A recent study from the Urban Institute found the rising cost of keeping people behind bars is diverting funds from needed services. One-fourth of the Department of Justice’s budget is spent on the Bureau of Prisons. With the bureau requesting $6.9 billion for FY2013, the United States can no longer afford the high cost of criminalization.

Medicaid/CHIP Participation Among Children and Parents,” by Genevieve M. Kenney, Victoria Lynch, Michael Huntress, Jennifer Haley, and Nathaniel Anderson, The Urban Institute. There is some good news to pull from recent poverty statistics: the number of poor children who were eligible for public benefits but still uninsured has declined. The Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) now reaches 4.4 million low-income kids across the country. The improvement is due to expanded eligibility, and implementing state policies to improve enrollment and retention.

Transit’s Most Reliable Customers: Why Considering the Needs of Low-Income Populations Improves Public Transitby Tazra Mitchell, North Carolina Budget and Tax Center. In North Carolina, officials are rapidly expanding the state’s public transit options, from additional bus services to the development of a commuter rail. Beyond the environmental benefit, these investments increase low-income North Carolinians’ access to education and job opportunities. Whether the project is successful depends entirely on its ability to serve poor and working-class families. Employees earning less than $25,000 annually made up 67 percent of public transit riders in 2011. But improved bus service isn’t enough. Mitchell points out the importance of increasing and preserving affordable housing options in city centers, and matching transit to where low-income families currently reside. “The success of new and expanded transit in North Carolina will largely depend on how well [it] retains and reaches its most reliable customers: low-income North Carolinians. This requires developing transit plans with an eye to where low-income people live and where the opportunities for economic and social participation exist,” Mitchell writes.

Women Suffer Two-Thirds of Losses if Congress Ends Improved Tax Credits for Working Families,” National Women’s Law Center. If Congress decides to end tax cuts for middle-class families this January, women and their families will be the hardest hit. Changing the Child Tax Credit and the Earned Income Tax Credit will mean hundreds or thousands of dollars coming from the pockets of working-class women. After both credits were expanded in 2009, they lifted more than 9 million Americans out of poverty. Ending these 2009 improvements would take $12.6 billion in tax credits away from low- and moderate-income working families next year, and push working women and their families into poverty.

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $23,021 for a family of four): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Children in poverty: 16.1 million, 22 percent of all children, including more than one in three African-American and Latino children. Poorest age group in the country.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20.4 million people, one in fifteen Americans, including more than 15 million women and children.

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Employment rate for people with disabilities, 2010: 18.6 percent.

Employment rate for people with no disabilities, 2010: 63.5 percent.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Impact of public policy, 2010: without government assistance, poverty would have been twice as high—nearly 30 percent of population.

Quote of the Week

Mr. Kristof seems to imagine that poor people have freely chosen this comfortable life living on disability and food stamps. He has no idea how difficult it is to get either form of assistance and how inadequate the benefits are. SSI payments are set at roughly 75 percent of the poverty level and food stamps are only intended to provide 75 percent of the food you need—hardly a comfortable life for someone who we have determined to be unable to work. Despite his quotes about the plush life of poor people with all their air conditioners and microwaves, what I see are families doubled and tripled up in trailers and small houses—where everyday is a struggle to pay for food, electricity, rent, transportation and other basic needs. People keep talking about providing “opportunities” for poor people. Where are they? Is there some vast pool of unfilled low skill labor jobs with living wages I don’t know about? And how would that matter to the millions of disabled folks? Do we have appropriate work opportunities for them as well? How can our safety net be so overly generous when 20 percent of food stamp households have no cash income at all? Where is the outrage about that?”
                             —Jack Frech, director,
                             Athens County Department of Job and Family Services (in Appalachian Ohio)

Christie Thompson co-wrote the “Clips and other resources” section of this blog, and wrote the “Reports” section.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Today in Poverty posts earlier in the week. You can e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

Today in Poverty: GOP Leadership and Violence Against Native Women


Deborah Parker, Vice Chairwoman of the Tulalip Tribes, speaks on April 25, 2012. Courtesy: YouTube

My question for Congress was and has always been: why did you not protect me, or my family? Why is my life, and the life of so many other Native American women, less important?”
      —Deborah Parker, vice chairwoman, Tulalip Tribes, April 25, 2012.

On April 24, Deborah Parker, vice chairwoman of the Tulalip Tribes in Washington State, visited Congress regarding an environmental protection matter. She stopped by Senator Patty Murray’s office and asked how the Senate reauthorization of the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) was proceeding. Staff members informed her that despite the efforts of Senator Murray and others, provisions to protect Native American women would not be included in the bill.

Parker was devastated. She had been abused as a child and has also witnessed rape and abuse many times on the reservation. Each time the “non-Indian” perpetrator wasn’t prosecuted because tribal authorities have jurisdiction only over Native Americans, and state and federal authorities were unresponsive. This is a crisis not only for the Tulalip Tribes, but also on reservations across the country, where non-Indians are permitted to commit violence against Native women with impunity.

“I don’t feel people understand,” Parker tells me. “On the reservation there is such a feeling of despair—it’s not a matter of is it going to happen, it’s when is it going to happen? Perpetrators even mock Indian women because they know they will not get prosecuted.”

The statistics are indeed horrific: one in three Native women will be raped in their lifetimes; two in five are victims of domestic violence; three out of five will be physically assaulted. Native women are 2.5 times more likely to be assaulted—and more than twice as likely to be stalked—than other women in the United States. On some reservations, the murder rate of Native women is ten times the national average. According to the Indian Law Resource Center, 88 percent of these crimes are committed by non-Indians—the majority of the population residing on reservations is now non-Indian—and US attorneys are declining to prosecute 67 percent of sexual abuse matters referred to them.

As a result, the Department of Justice under the Obama administration proposed that VAWA reauthorization allow tribal courts to prosecute cases of domestic and dating violence, and violations of restraining orders, where a non-Indian has a clear relationship with a tribal member. It is a limited reform—it doesn’t address stranger-on-stranger violence, rape or sexual assault, for example. Still, it’s an important advance in addressing a situation which Parker describes as allowing non-Indians to “come on the reservation and commit heinous crimes and walk off and little to nothing occurs.”

After receiving the news from Murray’s staff, Parker attended her next meeting on the Hill. But she didn’t finish it. She returned to Murray’s office and asked to see the Senator.

Murray left the Senate floor within ten minutes and met alone with Parker, whom she has known through many years of working together on tribal issues. The moment Murray saw Parker she said, “You’re it”—that Parker was the person they needed to be a spokesperson on this issue. Murray told her that she would hold a press conference the next day, and that Parker should just “tell the story that’s most important to you—I want people to understand how this is affecting tribes.”

On April 25, Parker told of being “one of many girls” violated and attacked as a toddler on the reservation in the 1970s, and how the man responsible was never convicted. She spoke of an occasion in the 1980s, when she hid her younger cousins while listening to the screams of her aunt who was being raped by four or five men—the perpetrators were never prosecuted. She described her realization that “the life of a Native woman was short,” and consequently “fighting hard” to attend the University of Washington, where she studied criminal justice in the 1990s “so that I could be one to protect our women. However, I am only one.” She asked Congress to support the new provisions in VAWA to help protect Native women: “Send a strong message across the country that violence against Native women is unlawful and it is not acceptable in any of our lands.”

It was a turning point in the Senate’s work on the bill. It passed that month with sixty-eight votes, including fifteen Republicans—the kind of bipartisanship that is almost unheard of these days—with the new protections for Native women, and also for undocumented immigrant women and the LGBT community.

But in May the House passed a stripped-down version of the bill that contained none of these key provisions. Only six Democrats voted for it and twenty-three Republicans opposed it. Speaker John Boehner then used a procedural maneuver to avoid reconciling with the Senate on a final VAWA bill. Five House Republicans—led by Illinois Congresswoman Judy Biggert—wrote a letter to Boehner and Majority Leader Eric Cantor urging them to adopt the stronger Senate provisions and move to a final bill.

Yet the legislation languished—until now.

Perhaps sensing from the 2012 election results that the GOP has a serious problem when it comes to relating to women who live on this planet and in this century, Cantor is now negotiating with the Senate and Vice President Biden—who sponsored the original VAWA in 1994. Word is Cantor has relented on the provisions for the LGBT community and undocumented immigrant women. He refuses, however, to consider any provision that gives tribes any kind of criminal jurisdiction over non-Indians.

While President Obama and the Vice President have met personally with Parker and other tribal leaders—“they get it,” she says—GOP leadership has so far declined. Last week, when Parker and others asked to join a meeting arranged by tribal lobbyists in DC, she says they were initially told “there wasn’t enough room” and that “they would only meet with our two non-Indian lobbyists.” In the end, she and two female tribal leaders were included in the discussion with Cantor’s staff members.

“But why isn’t GOP leadership having us at the table to have this discussion?” says Parker. “If they truly want a solution, then you sit down with the very people who this bill affects.”

Still, Parker and others close to the negotiations are hopeful. Republican Representatives led by Darrell Issa and Tom Cole—a member of the Chickasaw Nation—have pushed for a compromise that allows non-Indian defendants the right to remove the case to a federal court if they can prove their rights have been violated by a local tribal court. (Issa tried to offer this proposal as an amendment when the House Judiciary Committee originally worked on the bill in the spring, but GOP leadership didn’t allow a vote on it.)

Sources close to the negotiations tell me that we are now running out of time to pass this bill and that the next forty-eight hours are crucial. If the final bill isn’t approved, Native American groups who have pushed for this for ten years—and steadily worked on this reauthorization for three years—will be forced to start over from scratch.

“If this doesn’t pass it would be one of the worst messages we could send to Native American women,” says Parker. “It would be devastating to communities all over Indian country, and would send a clear message to perpetrators. It would leave reservations wide open for continued abuse.”

You can tell House Republicans to pass a VAWA that includes these protections here.

Clips and other resources (co-written with Christie Thompson)

Another price of segregation: not just homicide, but countless walking wounded,” Steve Bogira

After Sandy, Learning from New Orleans: D6 and Beyond,” Laura Flanders

Nicholas Kristof Bravely Urges Congress to Cut Supplemental Security for Children with Severe Disabilities,” Shawn Fremstad

Fiscal cliff crisis seen as threat to area’s gains,” Kate Giammarise

Must-See Farmworker Video Takes on Food Industry Hypocrisy,” Katrina vanden Heuvel

Call Michigan's Job-Killing Anti-Worker Law What It Is: The Right To Rip Off Unions,” Joshua Holland

Citigroup Plans to Lay Off 11,000 Employees in Financial Crisis Scale Back,” Gwen Ifill

Walmart’s Downward Wage Spiral,” John Logan

America’s other cliffs: poverty, healthcare and the environment,” Robert Reich

Poverty less damaging to public schools' scores than charters', report finds,” Erin Richards

New York City Limits Storm Aid in Food Stamps Program,” Michael Howard Saul

Job-seekers ratio continues slow improvement,” Heidi Shierholz

Fiscal Cliff Toolkit,” Urban Institute

More states consider welfare drug testing bills,” by Morgan Whitaker

Jobs Report Takeaway: Fiscal Cliff must Deal with Unemployment,” George Zornick

Get involved

Thursday: Call on How “Fiscal Cliff” Threatens Those in Poverty in the US and Abroad

Renew Unemployment Insurance

Reauthorize VAWA and Protect Native Women

Reports (by Christie Thompson)

A Case for $15: A Low-Wage Work Crisis,” Stand Up! Chicago. While jobs were the buzzword of the 2012 election, less attention was paid to exactly what kind of jobs we are creating. This report finds that recent economic growth has shifted further toward a low-wage economy. In Chicago, low-wage jobs made up 21 percent of jobs lost during the recession, but are 58 percent of new positions in the recent recovery. The increase in jobs paying poverty wages has a huge impact on Chicago families: “57 percent of households in Chicago with a low wage worker depend solely on those wages.”

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While workers can’t afford to live on such meager salaries, their employers can fully afford to pay a living wage. “Even if employers were to pass on the entirety of this cost to the consumer, it would only raise prices by 2.6 percent, a negligible amount that is unlikely to affect consumer spending patterns in any significant way,” Stand Up! found. Raising pay would also be a huge benefit to the economy—if workers in downtown Chicago alone were paid a living wage, it could create $179 million in economic activity.

The 2012 Hunger Atlas,” The Kansas Association of Community Action Programs. Since it was first measured in 1995, hunger in Kansas has been on the rise. Today, nearly one in seven Kansan families is food-insecure. This atlas breaks down hunger statistics on the county level, providing resources for community organizations to combat hunger on a local level. While 15 percent of Kansans were food-insecure in 2010 (and 22.7 percent of children), one-third of those that qualify for SNAP benefits aren’t receiving support.

How Youth Are Put At Risk by Parents’ Low-Wage Jobs,” by Lisa Dodson and Randy Albelda, Center for Social Policy at the University of Massachusetts, Boston. While more and more families are forced to rely on near-poverty pay, this study examines the impact of our low-wage economy on children. Today, 16 million families rely on parents working low-wage jobs. The consequences for their children are far-reaching, from being more likely to drop out of school, to being more likely to experience health problems like obesity. The emotional impact is less quantifiable. Parents working long hours for low pay have less time to spend with their families, and can’t provide as much support or structure for their children, as those with greater resources and more control over their schedules.

Quote of the Day

“It’s time for Native women to have equal access to justice as all other women in the United States. This separate system that contains huge jurisdictional gaps—where cases aren’t prosecuted and Native victims don’t have access to law enforcement—it’s an unfair, unequal system. It’s time to put this to an end and give equal access to justice to all Native people.”
      —Katy Tyndell, staff attorney, National Congress of American Indians

Christie Thompson co-wrote the “Clips and other resources” section of this blog, and wrote the “Reports” section.

Today in Poverty posts one day a week. This Week in Poverty posts on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. You can e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

This Week in Poverty: When Even Santa Can't Get a Job

In May 2012, Richard Crowe was laid off when the steel mill where he had worked for thirty-four years was shut down. He’d worked there since graduating from high school. New ownership filed for bankruptcy.

“The judge threw the workers’ contract out, the owners walked away with $20 million, and we got nothing,” says Crowe, who is 54, and lives in eastern Ohio.

Seven months later, Crowe is one of 5 million “long-term” unemployed workers in the United States who have been looking for work for more than six months. They are disproportionately older (over 50), women, and minorities, and according to today’s jobs report, their employment prospects haven’t much improved.

If Congress doesn’t extend the unemployment insurance program by the end of this year, 2 million of these workers will lose their benefits between Christmas and New Years Day, another 1 million by April 2013 and more than 5 million people will be without benefits by the end of 2013, according to the National Employment Law Project (NELP). This would occur at a moment when there are still 12 million people unemployed, and there are approximately 3.4 unemployed applicants for every available job opening.

“The jobs are still not there,” says Edith Harrison, 59, who lives in Colorado Springs and was laid off from her job at a senior assisted living facility in August. “How can you cut unemployment benefits off, and blame someone for not being able to get a job, when they didn’t create the situation?”

The anti-poverty effect of unemployment insurance is significant and undeniable. In 2010, the program lifted 3.2 million people above the poverty line (less than $18,000 for a family of three). In 2011, it lifted 2.3 million people above the line, including 620,000 children. (The program had less of a poverty reducing effect last year in part because a provision in the Recovery Act that paid an additional $25 per week in benefits was allowed to expire.) The average benefit is just $291 per week and it covers approximately 40 percent of a typical family’s food, housing and transportation costs.

What is most egregious to both Harrison and Crowe is the stereotype—voiced by people who want to cut the program or drug test benefit recipients—that unemployed people are lazy and would rather collect modest benefits than work.

“It’s funny, but it’s pathetic—a lot of people think you’re out here for a handout,” says Crowe. “I worked all my life. I paid into unemployment, I paid into Social Security, I paid into everything. I want off this unemployment, I want a job.”

In fact, Crowe has applied for 157 jobs. He and his wife are willing to relocate—they put their son through college and he is now living independently. Crowe has applied for jobs in Nevada and South Carolina—in the steel industry and in new lines of work.

“In the steel industry, companies are hiring 20-year-olds that have never even been in a mill before, and passing on people like me—an experienced operator and maintenance technician,” says Crowe. “Then you go look at other jobs and they say ‘you don’t have no experience.’ ”

He recalls applying for a job delivering packages for UPS. The interviewer looked over his resume and asked, “Pretty much you worked in the mill all your life?”

“Yeah,” Richard told her.

“Have you ever had any experience delivering packages?”

“I felt like telling her, ‘Yeah, once a year, I play Santa Claus,’ ” he tells me, laughing. “This is the stuff you go through.”

Harrison says she gets up early every morning—“ just like I’m going to work”—drinks her coffee, and gets on the computer to search for jobs.

“Retail, restaurants and customer service—most of the jobs out there—they say they want people who are ‘high energy’ for a ‘fast-paced environment’,” she says. “I’m not saying I can’t do it, but I’m 59, and if they have a choice they’re going to take the person who’s younger.”

Crowe also thinks his age is making it difficult for him to land a new opportunity. He has applied for many jobs knowing that he’s overqualified, including warehouse work. Often, he doesn’t even receive a reply, and sees the jobs still being posted months later.

“It’s my age holding me back. I can’t prove that, but I’m getting that feeling after going through all this,” he says. “If they see a 5 or 6 in front of your age—I’m just visualizing when people look at that they just laugh and throw your application off to the side.”

Unemployment benefits are a lifeline for Harrison and Crowe. In 2002, Harrison was laid off from her job as a secretary for the local school district. (She had also previously worked as a secretary in Detroit Public Schools for nineteen years, and as a case manager and skills development specialist for Goodwill Industries.) She ended up homeless, and sleeping on couches in the homes of families and friends. She fears it could happen again.

“I don’t want to go through that again,” she says. “How can you find a job if you don’t have anyplace to stay? When you’re out there, your life is just all up in the air. It takes a long time to come back from that.”

Harrison says her $227 per week benefit helps her “keep the lights on” and pay the rent.

Crowe receives $382 per week and says it covers his utilities and his car payment. He and his wife are also using their retirement savings “just to survive.”

“If they don’t renew these benefits, I won’t have any income,” says Crowe. “I’ll lose my house, I’ll lose everything.”

Judy Conti, federal advocacy coordinator for NELP, says she is “cautiously optimistic” that unemployment insurance will be reauthorized for 2013—either as part of any “grand bargain” or a more limited package of cuts and revenues prior to January 1. She notes that the $30 billion program was included in President Obama’s initial offer to Republicans to avert the fiscal cliff. She also says NELP has had lengthy and productive conversations with Democratic leadership, staff members for most of the Democratic Senate Caucus, and many House members as well.

“All of them really do understand how important and crucial this program is right now,” says Conti.

On the other hand, conservatives continue to demand that any reauthorization of unemployment insurance must be paid for, but Conti says that that shouldn’t be difficult to achieve through any bill that includes significant cuts and savings.

“We’re not really seeing the same kind of pushback we have seen in previous years,” says Conti, “where Representatives have wanted to change the nature of the program, or beat up on the unemployed as lazy.”

It also can’t hurt that Mark Zandi, chief economist of Moody’s, estimates that every $1 in unemployment benefits generates $1.61 in economic activity—since those benefits are spent so quickly. Also, the Congressional Budget Office found that reauthorizing the program for 2013 would create 300,000 jobs.

While she waits to see how this plays out in Congress, Harrison is doing her best to keep her spirits up.

“I used to stay on that computer from the beginning of the day to nighttime looking for work,” she said. “I would have a headache, wouldn’t even eat—had to make myself eat. Now I try to keep balance—get up early in the morning, get on that computer—and after so long and so many résumés, I stop. You don’t want to make yourself sick. I just stay prayerful.”

As for Crowe, he says the ordeal has taken a toll on his family—especially his wife, who he says “worries every day” as they try to cobble together enough money through unemployment benefits, her low-wage work and their retirement savings.

“I’m doing everything in my power that I can, but I can’t make someone hire me,” he says.

Tell Congress to reauthorize Unemployment Insurance for 2013 at UnemployedWorkers.org.

Announcements

This Week in Poverty will continue to post every Friday. Beginning next week, TheNation.com will also post Today in Poverty once a week. There are so many people and groups doing great poverty-related work—studies, actions, writing, TV, radio—the single blog is way too long. Let us know what you think (after we try it).

Also, I’m looking forward to joining the excellent Melissa Harris-Perry on her show this Saturday at 10 am. Hope you can watch.

Get involved

Tell @WhiteHouse to Protect and Strengthen SNAP today!

Protect low-income Americans in budget decisions

Nuns on the Bus for Medicaid Expansion

Renew Unemployment Insurance for 2013

Studies and other resources (co-written with Christie Thompson)

Youth and Work: Restoring Teen and Young Adult Connections to Opportunity,” Annie E. Casey Foundation. The unemployment crisis in the US is hitting young people of color the hardest. Today, nearly 6.5 million youth are “disconnected”—meaning they are neither employed nor enrolled in school. Employment among young people is now the lowest it’s been in fifty years, having dropped by half since 2000, and the racial disparity is stark: among 20–24-year-olds, 29 percent of black youth are out of work and school, compared with 20 percent of youth in that age group overall.

With high school and college graduates forced to take low-paying entry-level jobs, those without a GED are all but barred from most work places. The result is a vicious circle for low-income youth who can’t get a job without previous experience.

It is also estimated that out of school and out-of-work youth cost taxpayers $1.56 trillion in public assistance.

The solution, the Casey Foundation says, is to reinvest in disconnected youth. We must increase funding for job training and flexible educational opportunities—including community service, internships, summer and part-time work—while creating jobs that allow young people to support themselves and their children.

The Recession’s Ongoing Impact on Children, 2012,” Julia Isaacs and Olivia Healy, the Urban Institute. This report looks at the impact of the recession on children by comparing three key indicators: the percentage living with an unemployed parent, receiving food stamps (or SNAP benefits), and living below the poverty line. The conclusion? American children are worse off today than they were five years ago.

Nearly one in ten children in the US have parents that are unemployed, compared to 5 percent of kids before the economic downturn. Even employed parents are struggling to put food on the table, as more than one in four American children receive SNAP benefits.

A companion paper recommends steps Congress and the President can take to strengthen protections for kids.

A Poverty and Opportunity Agenda: What's in Store for the Next Four Years,” (VIDEO) Brookings Institution, Spotlight on Poverty and Opportunity, and the Annie E. Casey Foundation. Representative from both sides of the aisle debated how the Obama administration can fight poverty and increase opportunity for all Americans. We heard that the keynote speech by Gene Sperling, director of the National Economic Council and assistant to President Obama for economic policy, was particularly good.

Replacing the Thrifty Food Plan in Order to Provide Adequate Allotments for SNAP Beneficiaries,” Heather Hartline-Grafton and James Weill, Food Research and Action Council (FRAC). There’s a reason Newark Mayor Cory Booker calls living off SNAP benefits a food stamp “challenge.” For too long, low-income families have been forced to live off of the meager nutritional assistance allotted to them under the “Thrifty Food Plan.” This plan has its roots in the 1930s and was developed for short-term, emergency use. But today, it requires a family of four to live on $627 dollars a month, or $5.05 per person, per day. FRAC takes a closer look at the “Thrifty” plan to reveal just how impossible that budget really is.

“The research shows that SNAP benefit levels need to be improved, not cut as some in Congress are proposing,” said FRAC President Jim Weill. “SNAP is a great program but its gains are limited by the allotment shortfall. Cuts will cause more hunger, more poverty, and more ill health.”

Employment-Based Retirement Plan Participation: Geographic Differences and Trends, 2011,” Craig Copeland, PhD, Employee Benefit Research Institute. In 2011, nearly 40 percent of American workers took part in a work-based financial plan to save for retirement. The percentage of employees remains mostly unchanged from 2010, halting the three-year decline that occurred during the recession. But low-wage, part-time, women and minority workers remain less likely to take part in such saving plans than their counterparts. Two-thirds of American women over age 65 live entirely on Social Security that on average provides $1,000 in monthly benefits for women—worth paying attention to during deficit debate.

Like this article? Support this journalism with a $5 donation now.

Clips (compiled with Christie Thompson)

…Cuts to WIC Could Cripple….” Sheila Bapat

OC Food Bank sees 50% drop in federal funding,” Ben Bergman

A different kind of busing approach to desegregation,” Steve Bogira

Proposal to drug test welfare recipients may gain steam in Kansas,” Brad Cooper

Poor Women and Children Faced with Fiscal Threat,” Bryce Covert

The Hollowing Out of America,” by Steve Fraser

Santorum’s Three Things to Avoid Poverty: The Very Serious Person’s Version of Makers vs. Takers,” Shawn Fremstad

Buildings Get High Marks—From Feds, Not Tenants,” Henry Gass

…In Response to Republican Budget Offer,” Robert Greenstein

Getting Away with Wage Theft,” Scott Lemieux

Child Care Subsidies: Family Copayments Vary Widely Across States,” Sarah Minton and Christin Durham

Organizing McDonalds and Walmart, and Why Austerity Economics Hurts Low-Wage Workers the Most,” Robert Reich

Yolanda Andrews: The Home Defenders League Is Fighting Back,” (VIDEO) Francis Reynolds

Lines Blur as Texas Gives Industries a Bonanza,” by Louise Story

Keeping the Courthouse Doors Open for Low-Wage Women Workers,” Liz Watson

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $23,021 for a family of four): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Children in poverty: 16.1 million, 22 percent of all children, including more than one in three African American and Latino children. Poorest age group in the country.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20.4 million people, 1 in 15 Americans, including more than 15 million women and children.

Increase in deep poverty since 1976: doubled—3.3 percent of population to 6.7 percent.

Below twice the poverty level (less than $46,042 for a family of four): 106 million people, more than 1 in 3 Americans.

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Youth employment: lowest level in more than 60 years.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

People age 50 and over at risk of hunger every day: 9 million.

Percentage of US population in poverty at some time before age 65: over 50 percent.

Impact of public policy, 2010: without government assistance, poverty would have been twice as high—nearly 30 percent of population.

Impact of public policy, 1964–1973: poverty rate fell by 43 percent.

Quotes of the Week

“They’re saying, ‘We need the tax cuts to create jobs.’ Excuse me? You’ve had these tax cuts for ten years, where the hell’s all the jobs? It’s becoming a joke, but it ain’t funny.”
      —Richard Crowe

“Somebody needs to stick up for unemployed. They’re talking about a lot of things up there in Congress, but what about the people who have nothing?”
      —Edith Harrison

Christie Thompson co-wrote the Studies and Clips sections of this blog.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Look for Today in Poverty beginning next week. You can e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

This Week in Poverty: A Wake-Up Call on Housing and Homelessness


An unidentified man, left, watches Allen Duncan, homeless and unemployed, sleep on a sidewalk, Aug. 8, 2011 in New York. (AP Photo/Mark Lennihan)

“They tweet and they titter. They chat and they chitter. But the bear snores on.”
      —from Bear Snores On

Inside the Beltway, the weather has turned cold, trees are mostly bare, and sounds and voices outside are distinct as more and more people remain indoors.

On Capitol Hill, conversations are focused on billions and trillions, cliffs and sequestrations, and theories and suppositions about ongoing negotiations. A thankful media cheers on, discovering a new horserace to replace the one just ended.

But for too many people—most of whom receive little or no attention in this town—there is nothing vague, abstract, or racy about these budget decisions.

Amy Clark is the communications director for the National Low Income Housing Coalition (NLIHC), a nonprofit organization working to ensure that low-income people have decent, affordable homes. She says that NLIHC staff members now regularly receive anxious e-mails from people living in public housing, or who have vouchers they use for rental assistance and whose homes are on the line.

“They are trying to figure out what Congress is doing, and what sequestration is about,” Clark tells me.

A woman with cancer living in New York City—where her voucher is already at risk due to cuts—wrote, “It seems that no one in NYC knows what is going on with the Section 8 voucher program—not even Section 8, Mayor Bloomberg’s office, State Offices, HUD—all these offices I called and no one who answers the phone knows what is going on.”

“Are those of us who have Section 8 in danger of losing our apartments?” asked another person.

“These are individuals who have no other means of living affordably,” says Clark. “If you lose your voucher, and then end up paying half or three-quarters of your income for housing, what do you have left for medical expenses, or for anything for that matter? Sequestration is a really serious personal issue for a lot of people.”

Indeed, the Campaign for Housing and Community Development Funding (CHCDF)—a group of seventy-four national organizations across the country—estimates that the 8.4 percent cut to housing and community development programs that would occur in January under sequestration would result in: a $1.6 billion cut in tenant-based rental assistance, with 185,000 households losing assistance; an $830 million cut in project-based rental assistance, with more than 92,000 households losing their housing if the cuts aren’t restored; a $180 million cut to homeless assistance grants—nearly 146,000 people would be homeless instead of housed; a $32 million cut to housing for the elderly, with 114,000 households receiving reduced unit maintenance and supportive services; a $28 million cut to housing opportunities for persons with AIDS, resulting in more than 4,700 households losing their housing; and a $13 million cut in housing for persons with disabilities, leading to more than 24,500 households receiving reduced unit maintenance and supportive services.

At a time when there are only thirty affordable and available rental units for every 100 extremely low income households, and low-income housing programs serve only about one of four people who qualify for them, sequestration would negatively affect more than 440,000 households currently receiving assistance.

Further, as the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities (CBPP) notes in a paper released this week, funding for housing has already been cut by 6 percent, or $2.5 billion, since 2010. Meanwhile, the number of low-income renter households paying housing costs of more than 50 percent of their income—a financial burden associated with an increased risk of homelessness—has risen by 14 percent over the past two years.

“Federal rental assistance programs have been treading water, while the need for assistance has been climbing dramatically since 2007,” report author Douglas Rice, a senior policy analyst at CBPP, told me.

These housing cuts seem all the more foolish when 82 percent of voters—including 76 percent of Republicans—want Congress and the White House to deliver a plan to cut child poverty in half within ten years. A Children’s HealthWatch study recently published in the American Journal of Public Health concluded: “…the association between housing insecurity and measures of children’s health and development provide evidence of the vulnerability of children who have insecure housing but who are not homeless…. Governmental action and community investment in expanding the supply of affordable housing, increasing funding for housing assistance programs, and stabilizing families in uncrowded housing [that] they can afford can alleviate housing insecurity. Protecting families with young children from being economically forced into crowded conditions and frequent moves should be a policy priority.”

With child poverty already having an economic cost of about $550 billion per year (or 3.8 percent of GDP) in increased healthcare costs, worse educational outcomes, lower worker productivity, and increased criminal justice expenditures, these cuts seem short-sighted at best—especially since affordable housing is associated with increased educational attainment, improved health and increased employment access.

And yet, according to Clark, every year funding for these housing assistance programs is essentially “up for grabs” in Congressional appropriations.

“What we are seeing with sequestration is more extreme and more in the public eye but it happens literally every year,” she says.

That’s why the NLIHC and other housing advocates are pushing for a long-term solution—funding for the National Housing Trust Fund. Signed into law in 2008 by President George W. Bush, it was designed to take the commitment to affordable housing out of the appropriations process by providing a dedicated source of funding. Ninety percent of the funding would be used for the production, preservation, rehabilitation, or operation of rental housing, and 75 percent of those funds must benefit extremely low-income households.

The only problem is this: Congress hasn’t appropriated a single dollar to it. President Obama has sought $1 billion in funding for four straight years to no avail.

“It would be a good start and show that we can do it,” says Clark. “But we are looking for $30 billion annually to make it effective nationally.”

In the short-term, among the recommendations in the CBPP paper is passing the Senate’s version of the fiscal year 2013 HUD funding bill that “averts cuts in the number of families receiving rental assistance, [and] provides modest funding increases for other priorities such as assistance for homeless individuals and families….” The CBPP also suggests that any deficit deal that doesn’t include “substantial new revenues” will force even deeper cuts to rental assistance than will occur under sequester. Translation: no deal—as terrible as that would be for affordable housing—is better than a bad deal.

But in the long-run, advocates say, there needs to be a fundamental shift in federal housing policy.

“If we’re serious about solving homelessness and ending poverty, we’re going to have to put real money into the National Housing Trust Fund,” says Clark. “That means doing things that were unthinkable before the fiscal cliff—like reforming the mortgage interest deduction and using those savings for housing for the lowest income people.”

A Pathway to Ending Homelessness: A Home

In 1992, Pathways to Housing founder Dr. Sam Tsemberis offered a novel approach to ending a seemingly intractable problem: “The cure for homelessness is a home. It’s that simple,” he said.

He developed the “Housing First” model for the most severely psychiatrically disabled and addicted homeless people in New York City. It first provides a person with an apartment, and then combines that housing with comprehensive services in mental and physical health, substance abuse, education and employment. The apartments are scattered throughout a community, which fosters a sense of self-determination and speeds reintegration.

“People want to feel normal,” Christy Respress, executive director of Pathways to Housing DC, tells me. “That doesn’t really happen if ‘home’ is some building that says ‘Pathways to Housing’ across the front, and everyone knows that anyone who walks into that building has a serious mental illness.”

Since its inception, the nonprofit organization has housed more than 2,000 people in New York alone. It now has affiliates in Washington (DC), Philadelphia and Vermont, and the Housing First model is used in programs across the US, Canada, Europe, and Australia. Numerous studies have consistently shown that the program ends chronic homelessness for 85 to 90 percent of participants (in contrast to a 45 percent success rate for programs requiring an individual to “get clean and sober” and take psychiatric medicine prior to receiving housing).

“Eighty percent of people in the program are using alcohol and/or drugs when they come in,” says Respress, “because we are targeting people with severe disabilities who are unable to make it in other programs; or they don’t meet requirements because they haven’t admitted that they have a mental illness, or they haven’t stopped drinking. But they still want housing, and they need a safe place in order to start working on their treatment and recovery.”

What really made the program take off in the late 1990s was a five-year study showing that participants had higher retention rates, improved long-term housing outcomes, and decreased time in jail, emergency rooms, and hospitals—“all three of which are incredibly expensive,” says Respress—compared to participants in programs that require people to accept treatment before being offered housing. These results garnered bipartisan political support for the program.

“Since there is not a belief in the US that there is a ‘right’ to housing, the data is important in making the argument for this kind of investment,” says Respress. “Ultimately, it’s less expensive to have someone in their own, subsidized apartment—with comprehensive wraparound services—than to leave them to fend for themselves on the streets or place them in shelters or more traditional transitional housing programs.”

Pathways provides its wraparound services through Assertive Community Treatment (ACT) teams that use evidence-based care that has been studied since the 1970s. Each team consists of a substance abuse specialist, vocational counselor, nurse, psychiatrist, mental health worker and a peer specialist. The peer specialists are essential because they are recovering from homelessness, mental illness and addiction themselves, and show the client that recovery is possible. The team works with its clients in their homes.

“You can teach a person to cook at St. Elizabeth’s Hospital on an electric stove, but then they move into their apartment and they have a gas stove and can’t get to the grocery store. It’s a whole different set of skills, so we do that in their apartment with them, which is also what the clients want,” says Respress.

The total cost for the Housing First program is approximately $22,000–$24,000 annually per client. That’s about $54 a day—compared to a hospital bed at $1,500 a day, a jail cell at $735 a day, or even a shelter with services that costs $78 a day. Even keeping a person homeless costs more money than a Pathways apartment, if you add up the police trips to jail, ambulance use and emergency room visits.

Currently in DC, four Pathways ACT teams—with a clinician-to-client ratio of ome to ten—serve 300 formerly homeless individuals. Additionally, a case management team serves 145 individuals identified by the DC Department of Human Services as the most medically vulnerable and hardest to serve among the chronically homeless population. These clients are also provided with individual apartments and slightly less intensive services, with one case manager for every twenty clients.

The business community has been very supportive of the program, with the Downtown Business Improvement District (BID) and the Golden Triangle BID funding some street outreach services, which receive scant city funding. Six Pathways outreach workers walk the streets, get to know people in the homeless community, and develop trusting relationships that lead quickly to making the offer of housing.

“It’s a fascinating partnership we have with the business community,” says Respress, “because it’s really a cutting edge investment in homeless services. They understand that it could take one year, or five years, for us to develop a relationship with a homeless individual [that results in a home], but we are ending homelessness one person at a time.”

However, the city’s commitment to ending homelessness seems less steadfast than that of the business community. Despite the fact that there are 3,553 homeless single persons in DC—and the National Alliance to End Homelessness estimates that about 25 percent of the homeless population has serious mental illnesses—there is no dedicated source of public funding specifically targeted to address the needs of homeless people living with severe mental illnesses. Respress says Pathways to Housing DC currently has vouchers for 445 units and would need approximately 250 to 300 more to meet the needs of the very most disconnected, psychiatrically disabled homeless people. But even the city’s current vouchers are in jeopardy.

“The city is looking at potentially reducing them by not filling vacancies as people die or leave their apartments,” says Respress. “There’s just no excuse for having people who are homeless on our streets—we know the answer and we have the tools. We can end homelessness in DC today if we put together the advocacy, political will and funding to bring this program to scale.”

You can stay informed and get involved in the effort to end chronic homelessness in the nation’s capital and elsewhere by signing up for the Pathways to Housing e-newsletter here.

Like this article? Support this journalism with a $5 donation now.

Get Involved

Tell Congress: Renew Unemployment Insurance: If Congress fails to reauthorize the Emergency Unemployment Compensation (EUC) program, 2 million workers receiving federal unemployment benefits will be abruptly cut off after December 29. In all, more than 5 million workers will be unable to collect federal unemployment benefits next year if Congress fails to act.

Mobile-ize for Babies: The First 100 Days Poll: ZERO TO THREE is asking people to complete a quick poll, which it hopes will help mobilize Americans to demand that elected officials make very young children a priority during their first 100 days in office.

#TalkPoverty in the Lame Duck: As Congress considers major legislation on deficit reduction, taxes and jobs, Half in Ten provides key information and resources to make the case to protect low-income families in the fiscal showdown.

Articles, clips, etc.

More than 6.5 million people in the US receive food stamps but have no cash income,” Athens County Jobs and Family Services.

Why Women and People of Color Should Be Concerned About the Fiscal Cliff Negotiations,” Sheila Bapat.

House Vote Could Increase Asset Poverty Among Out-of-Work Americans,” Jessica Bartholow.

When it Comes to Job Creation, ‘Do No Harm’ Isn’t Enough,” Elizabeth Lower-Basch, Neil Ridley, and Kisha Bird.

Our segregation footprint,” Steve Bogira.

Single Moms Can't Be Scapegoated for the Murder Rate Anymore,” Philip Cohen.

When Domestic Workers Suffer, Our Economy Suffers,” by Bryce Covert.

In Rare Strike, NYC Fast-Food Workers Walkout,” by Josh Eidelson.

Voices From the Street, Homeless in America,” Equal Voice News.

Workers protest pay, conditions at Walmart warehouses,” Mitchell Hartman.

Why Mass Incarceration Defines Us as a Society,” Chris Hedges.

The Shocking Details of a Mississippi School-to-Prison Pipeline,” Julianne Hing.

McJobs Should Pay, Too,” Sarah Jaffe.

Powerball’s Dark Side,” Natasha Lennard.

Can People Afford to Lose Their Social Security COLA?” Trudy Lieberman.

Group’s efforts at Palermo’s part of worker center movement,” Georgia Pabst.

Poor Kids,” (VIDEO) PBS Frontline.

The GOP’s Holiday Gift Guide: Pain for the Poor, Ponies for the Rich,” Tim Price.

“Deficit Reduction Deal Without Substantial New Revenues Would Almost Certainly Force Deep Cuts in Housing Assistance,” Douglas Rice.

Studies and other resources:

Do Federally Assisted Households Have Access to High Performing Public Schools?” Ingrid Gould Ellen and Keren Mertens Horn, the Poverty Race and Research Action Council (PRRAC). The study finds that Housing Choice voucher holders do not generally live near higher-performing schools than households receiving other forms of housing assistance, even though the program was created in part to help low-income families reach a broader range of schools and neighborhoods.

Long-Run Impacts of Childhood Access to the Safety Net,” Hilary Hoynes, Diane Whitmore Schanzenbach and Douglas Almond, National Bureau of Economic Research. This study finds that “access to food stamps in childhood leads to a significant reduction in the incidence of… obesity, high blood pressure, and diabetes…and, for women, an increase in economic self-sufficiency.”

From Urban Renewal and Displacement to Economic Inclusion,” Marcia Rosen and Wendy Sullivan, published by PRRAC and the National Housing Law Project. This study traces more than thirty years of displacement, community organizing, advocacy and innovative policy development in San Francisco that have helped mitigate the harms of gentrification; it points towards more inclusive redevelopment policies in other parts of the country.

Retail’s Hidden Potential: How Raising Wages Would Benefit Workers, the Industry and the Economy Overall,” Catherine Ruetschlin, Dēmos. The study examines what the economic impact would be if the largest retail chains raised the wage floor for their full-time employees to $25,000 a year. It finds that such a wage standard would lift 734,075 above the federal poverty line. An additional 769,191 people hovering just above poverty would see their incomes rise above 150 percent of the poverty line.

Fair Pay for Women and People of Color in New York Requires Increasing the Minimum Wage and the Tipped Minimum Wage,” National Women’s Law Center. This fact sheet provides context for the largest effort to unionize fast-food workers in the history of the US that is currently taking place in NYC, and shows how women are disproportionately affected by low wages.

Ears Up, Ears Down: A Dog’s Journey Home, Ralph da Costa Nunez, Margaret Menghini and Madeline Gerstein Simon, the Institute for Children, Poverty, and Homelessness. The sixth book in a series on family homelessness and poverty, this new picture book is for children in grades K-2. Embark on a journey with a dog who becomes homeless after the junkyard where he lives is foreclosed.

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $23,021 for a family of four): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Children in poverty: 16.1 million, 22 percent of all children, including more than one in three African American and Latino children. Poorest age group in the country.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20.4 million people, 1 in 15 Americans, including more than 15 million women and children.

People experiencing homelessness on any given night, US: 643,067.

People in families experiencing homelessness on any given night, US: 238,110.

Percentage of homeless population who are veterans: 12 percent, or 67,000 people.

Below twice the poverty level (less than $46,042 for a family of four): 106 million people, more than 1 in 3 Americans.

Children under age 6 below twice the poverty level: nearly half, 11.4 million children.

Economic cost of child poverty nationwide: $550 billion per year (3.8 percent of GDP).

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Poverty-level wages, 2011: 28 percent of workers.

Current minimum wage: $7.25 an hour ($2.13 tipped minimum wage).

Minimum wage if indexed to inflation: $10.55 an hour.

Something already indexed to inflation: individual campaign contribution limits.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

People age 50 and over at risk of hunger every day: 9 million.

Percentage of US population in poverty at some time before age 65: over 50 percent.

Impact of public policy, 2010: without government assistance, poverty would have been twice as high—nearly 30 percent of population.

Impact of public policy, 1964–1973: poverty rate fell by 43 percent.

Quote of the Week

“Our program is about choice every step of the way, and giving people control and power over their lives again. Because when you’re poor, your life is under a microscope. People look at everything you do, and judge it.”
      —Christy Respress, on Pathways to Housing

Research assistance provided by Christie Thompson.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Please comment below. You can also e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

An Anti-Poverty Thanksgiving

The hardest thing about the poverty beat is this: getting to know men, women and children who are working to overcome seemingly insurmountable obstacles, and knowing the consequences to their lives if those obstacles prove too great. I also meet people in low-income communities, NGOs, think tanks, universities, and government who are completely devoted to the eradication of poverty. They engender hope. I checked in with some of them this week and asked what they are thinking about this Thanksgiving. Here is what they had to say:

Sister Simone Campbell, executive director, NETWORK:

On Monday I was in Louisiana sharing stories from Nuns on the Bus with teachers and those who work in various support roles in schools. One woman told me that she has been doing the same support job for thirteen years in a school district, not had a raise for seven years and is currently making $17,000. She has had to take extra jobs to support her family and at times uses a food bank and other services to even get by. While she loves working with the children, it is a daily struggle for her and her family. She is in the bottom 20 percent of our nation for income, yet she is doing some of the most important work helping to form the new generation. This Thanksgiving, I am keenly aware of so many in our rich nation who are struggling to put food on their families’ tables. We are better than this. My prayer is that the 100 percent will come together, and exercise our responsibility for each other, being “We the People” forming a more perfect union.

Sheila Crowley, president & CEO, National Low Income Housing Coalition:

The night after President Obama’s re-election, I left my office near the White House and walked to the closest Metro station. There were fifteen people in the covered entranceway to the station, getting ready to bed down for the night, just like they do most every night. Although I may have felt that the outcome of the election boded well for progressive causes, it did not change the reality that too many people in our country have nowhere to live. I will know that change has come when people are not sleeping outside on concrete in November two blocks from the White House.

Sara Palmer, single mother, SNAP recipient, graduate student, research assistant and food service worker:

I’m thinking of the 10 million single mothers here in the United States who often do the work of two. We work hard, we struggle to provide for our children—what they deserve—and with luck and opportunity we are able. Please be thankful for your families, your networks of support, and the opportunities (and luck) that you have been given.… I know that I am.

Lisalyn Jacobs, vice president for government relations, Legal Momentum:

am thankful, as I read reports about the “freebies” allegedly received by women, minorities and youth, that we will remain on course for the next four years and hopefully come closer to ensuring that everyone—whether single moms, returning vets, unemployed workers, survivors of domestic or sexual violence, those recovering from the ravages of Hurricane Sandy, or those who are doing okay and thankful for that—feels like there is a real and enduring safety net to buoy them during the rough spots. I remain troubled, having checked in with many congressional offices over the last week, that too many of our elected leaders plan to default to gridlock and business as usual rather than turning their attention to removing obstacles, and seeking genuine bipartisan consensus and compromise.

Ralph da Costa Nunez, president & CEO, Institute for Children, Poverty & Homelessness:

Just this past week I visited four homeless family shelters in New York City. The shelters were full of young children who had a sparkle of hope and dreams in their eyes. They told me how they wanted to be a doctor, a nurse, truck driver, a policeman. After doing this work for thirty-six years, sometimes it feels like we’re moving in circles. But their faces remind me of the reason we have to keep working to reduce poverty and homelessness in America.

Jodie Levin-Epstein, deputy director, Center for Law and Social Policy:

It’s easy to get depressed by the implications of the deficit and the other profound challenges that we face today like creating millions of good jobs; but what’s exhilarating is the work each and every day of groups like the Retail Action Project, Restaurant Opportunities Center United, National Healthy Nail and Beauty Salon Alliance, Caring Across Generations, Warehouse Workers for Justice and Young Invincibles. I am thankful for the creativity, smarts and gumption of these and other groups; being impressed is a solid antidote to getting depressed.

Jessica Bartholow, legislative advocate, Western Center on Law and Poverty:

I traveled this weekend to see my only sister in northern Pennsylvania where she lives with her husband. This year, like millions of Americans, they had turned for the first time to food stamps because they couldn’t find work. I talked to my sister about this experience. She said it was hard: “We still went hungry, and it was never enough to buy healthy foods. It was embarrassing to shop with food stamps, even with the [EBT] card.” Things are better for them now. My brother-in-law has found work and they are able to pay down bills and buy what they need at the grocery store. As we ate breakfast in their small kitchen booth in the camper trailer that is their home, we exchanged stories and laughter with the kind of levity that comes with time and distance from hard times. This Thanksgiving, I’m thankful fewer Americans are hungry due to the food stamp program, but I’d rather that they didn’t need them at all.

Peter Edelman, professor of law, Georgetown University Law Center:

I went to the Children’s Defense Fund Beat the Odds benefit last week and participated in honoring five young women who have beaten the toughest odds and are now on their way to college with the scholarships awarded them by CDF. There wasn’t a dry eye in the house. We can’t ever forget the big difference that helping people one by one makes in reducing poverty. We are frustrated sometimes by not making bigger strides in changing the big picture—and we have to succeed there to make the numbers in poverty move down a lot—but we also have to keep on doing the small things that change lives one by one. They add up to a big number.

The United States should be doing more to help low-income American families put food on the table this Thanksgiving. Check out Greg Kaufmann on “The Choice to End Poverty.”

The Choice to End Poverty

On Monday, at an event marking the release of the Half in Ten campaign’s new report—“The Right Choices to Cut Poverty and Restore Shared Prosperity”—Angela Sutton, a Witness to Hunger in Philadelphia, talked about why it’s so critical to protect investments in low-income families during the upcoming deficit debate.

Sutton was shot at age 14, raped twice (including by her father), didn’t graduate high school and was homeless at 16.

“For two years, I slept in an abandoned car, slept in the snow, ate out of trashcans,” she said. “I was supposed to be a statistic, left for dead.”

Sutton said a Section 8 voucher and food stamps helped her find stability. She graduated from Drexel University with an associate’s degree and is now working towards her bachelor’s.

“We need to keep fighting for people that want the American Dream,” she said. “We don’t want a handout, we want to be able to help each other.”

Half in Ten’s second annual report tracks economic and social indicators of progress between 2010 and 2011 towards the campaign’s overall goal of cutting poverty by half within ten years. It flies in the face of the myth that “we don’t know what to do about poverty.”

“The big takeaway from the report is that we can cut poverty and also cut our long-term deficit—it’s all about the choices that we make,” Melissa Boteach, director of Half in Ten, told me.

One of the report’s most striking findings is that although the poverty rate didn’t change in 2011—thanks in large part to antipoverty programs that too many in Congress would like to slash—income inequality continued to grow. The top 20 percent of Americans took home more than half of all income in the US (51 percent), while the bottom 40 percent earned just over 11 percent. The wealthiest 5 percent enjoyed over one-fifth of the nation’s income.

The report attributes widening inequality to the proliferation of low-wage jobs—particularly in the service sector—and a stagnant minimum wage that isn’t indexed to inflation. A federal minimum wage job historically could lift a family of three above the poverty line, about $17,900 today. But it’s been raised only three times in the past thirty years and stands at 7.25 an hour (and just $2.13 for tipped workers), so a full-time worker earning the minimum wage is paid only $15,080.

“This is the context in which Congress and the President are debating deficit reduction,” said Boteach. “Will they do it in a way that exacerbates poverty and inequality? Or make the investments we need to make in order to support working families and grow our economy?”

The report points to some of the policies that are working: The earned income and child tax credits supplement the earnings of low-wage workers and kept 8.7 million people out of poverty in 2011; unemployment insurance lifted 2.3 million people above the poverty line, and would have been more effective if the additional $25 per week in benefits under the Recovery Act had been extended; SNAP (food stamps) lifted nearly 4 million people above the poverty line. On the flip side, in 201l twenty-seven states regressed in providing childcare assistance, and census data indicates that 5 million people were pushed into poverty by work-related expenses, including childcare.

The report notes that all of these antipoverty measures will be at risk during the deficit negotiations. Federal unemployment insurance is set to expire for everyone at the end of December, immediately affecting 2 million Americans; conservatives who protect tax cuts for the wealthiest 2 percent would also roll back the reach and effectiveness of the antipoverty earned income and child tax credits; SNAP cuts were passed by both the Senate and House Agriculture committees and are also at risk in the deficit debate.

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Ultimately, the report makes clear that investments in things like education and workforce training, nutrition assistance, health care, and affordable housing create pathways to the middle-class in an economy where too many jobs just won’t get a person there. These investments also make long-term fiscal sense. Child poverty, for example, costs our economy more than $500 billion annually in increased health care costs, worse educational outcomes, lower worker productivity, and increased criminal justice expenditures. A very modest investment in low-income families is associated with significantly higher earnings and work hours per year when children in those families reach adulthood. (The people seem ahead of the politicians on this front: an election eve poll by the First Focus Campaign for Children shows that 82 percent of voters—including 76 percent of Republicans—want Congress and the White House to deliver a plan to cut child poverty in half within ten years.)

The Half in Ten coalition—comprised of 200 national and local organizations across the country—will use this report to inform their actions during the upcoming deficit debate. You can get involved here.

“This report shows that we know what we need to do,” said Boteach. “It’s time for people to take a stand.”

As Congress considers a “Grand Bargain” budget deal, these vital social services are at risk. Check out Laura Flanders on why such austerity cuts aren’t only poor policy—they’re a violation of human rights.

This Week in Poverty: The Fiscal Cliff and the Janitors Who Are Already on It

“I really want people to understand that we all work just as hard as the next person that’s in a business suit,” says Tamika Maxwell, mother of three, describing her work as a janitor in Cincinnati, her hometown.

Along with 1,000 colleagues in the city, Maxwell hopes that current negotiations between SEIU and the city’s cleaning contractors will raise their $9.80 hourly wage—which, for annual full-time work, still leaves a family of three below the federal poverty line and relying on food stamps and Medicaid. In essence, the state ends up subsidizing corporations to continue paying people a non-living wage.

“My paycheck is the same amount as my Duke Energy bill,” says Maxwell. “And you know they don’t care—they will cut you off if you don’t have their money.”

Maxwell works part-time while also pursuing a business degree at Cincinnati State. She’s now employed by Scioto Services, which recently won the contract for the Public Defender’s office building that she has cleaned for four years. The company retained Maxwell but cut back all of the janitors’ hours. Instead of working the 5–10 pm shift five days per week, Maxwell now works only four.

“That’s a big deal when you’re only making $9.80 an hour,” she says.

But perhaps what is most frustrating to Maxwell and her colleagues is that among the cleaning contractors’ clients are some of the richest companies in the world. Macy’s, for example, made $1.25 billion in profits last year; Fifth Third Bancorp took in $1.3 billion; and Kroger netted more than $600 million. In all, thirteen Fortune 1000 companies with their corporate headquarters in Cincinnati earned combined profits of nearly $17 billion in 2011. If any of them told the cleaning contractors to pay a living wage, the contractors would do so, and would pass the additional cost onto the multibillion-dollar corporations.

Indeed, Procter & Gamble instructed its cleaning contractor, Compass, that the janitors who clean its headquarters should earn a living wage. Compass then offered the workers healthcare and guaranteed full-time hours, as well as an hourly wage increase of $0.30 in the first year, $0.25 in the second year, and $0.30 in the third year. That would result in a $10.65 hourly wage in 2015, and an average annual salary of $19,863 (just over the poverty line for a family of three). In contrast, the other contractors involved in negotiations with SEIU are offering next to nothing: a wage freeze for two years and a ten-cent increase in 2015.

“We just want to be paid fairly, and treated fairly. And the big businesses need to know that we have families that we want to take care of too,” says Maxwell. “I’m struggling right now, trying to figure out what I’m going to do for my kids’ Christmas. I know the big businesses aren’t worrying about their Christmas.”

Maxwell takes her son to school every morning at 7:45, then gets on a bus to go to school herself. After classes, she is home to help her son with homework, and then takes the kids to day care at 4:30—in time to arrive at work at 5 pm for her five-hour shift.

“By the time we get home it’s bedtime,” she says. “So the only time I really get to spend with my children is on the weekends. It sucks, really. But hopefully it will all be worth it when I finish school and won’t have to struggle as hard.”

Maxwell believes that part of the reason for the plight of the janitors is that “people really don’t understand the work that we do.” In her shift, she cleans forty-three bathrooms on thirteen floors. Half of the bathrooms have two stalls, half of them are singles. That’s about sixty-five toilets a night, or thirteen an hour—about four and a half minutes per toilet. That’s hard enough to do in five hours, and of course the job involves a lot more than cleaning toilets.

“I stock the bathrooms—paper towels, tissue, soap, seat covers. I clean them all, mop them all, and dust them all. Clean the mirrors, the countertops, the sinks, the stainless steel,” she says. “It’s really hard work. I go through more gym shoes than anyone can imagine.”

With so much stress over their reduced hours, one way Maxwell and her colleagues try to make up their lost income is by working overtime to fill-in for someone who can’t make it to work. But she says collecting the extra pay can be a challenge.

“I worked two extra hours over four weeks ago and still haven’t gotten paid,” she says.

She has also been waiting for three months for Scioto to fill out a job verification form that she needs so that her family will not be cut off of food stamps.

“Every time I see the manager and ask him about it he says he’ll get it back to me or the office hasn’t sent it back yet—gives me the runaround,” says Maxwell.

A look at the Scioto website and this kind of treatment of employees—in terms of poor wages, reduced hours and irresponsibility—flies in the face of the image the company is projecting:

It is our human resource investment, however; [sic] that makes us most proud. Scioto Services associates are encouraged to become volunteers with community organizations including the local Chambers of Commerce, Project Parks, Big Brothers/Big Sisters, YMCA, Meals on Wheels, youth sports programs, regional food banks, adult literacy programs and youth tutoring, just to name a few. At Scioto Services, we’re convinced that community involvement is the best way to show our pride in who we are, what we do, and in the communities where we do business.

Another way to invest in human resources and the community is by paying workers enough so that they can eat.

In the meantime, Maxwell hopes that people will rethink their assumptions about janitors and their labor, and get involved in the fight for better pay.

“People think janitors are people who either aren’t trying hard enough, or didn’t try hard enough back when they [were younger], and that’s simply not the case,” says Maxwell. “Somebody has to do these jobs. Workers couldn’t function without our work.”

You can e-mail building owners in Cincinnati—companies like Macy’s and Fifth Third Bancorp—and ask them to support good jobs for janitors here. I’ll be trying to reach them and the cleaning contractors—and continue talking to the janitors—to keep you updated on this story.

Our So-Called Fiscal Cliff: What the hell is it and what can you do?

I hate webinars—loathe them, actually, even though I understand they are a necessary evil nowadays.

But I watched one on Wednesday led by Ellen Nissenbaum, senior vice president for government affairs at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, and Deborah Weinstein, executive director at the Coalition on Human Needs (CHN), and I thought it was fantastic—great information, presented clearly and creatively, and compelling. So I’m passing along what I learned in the hope that you will speak out on matters that need speaking out on—which is really the first thing you need to know about our so-called Fiscal Cliff:

“Don’t be silent,” said Weinstein. “There’s simply too much at stake.”

What the hell is it anyway?

So what the hell is our so-called Fiscal Cliff anyway? There are four major pieces of policy happenings between the end of December and early next year: the Bush tax cuts, along with the temporary expansion of unemployment insurance, expire in December; the sequestration—which means automatic, across the board cuts of about $110 billion that are scheduled to occur in January; the debt limit has to be raised in early 2013 so the government can borrow money to finance current operations; and then the current fiscal year appropriations are only funded through March 27 and need to be completed.

“What’s really driving the near panic in Congress is the combination of the tax cuts expiring and the sequester taking effect,” said Nissenbaum.

But she said that the panic is unjustified—it really wouldn’t be the “cataclysmic event” it’s being made out to be.

“Nothing happens automatically on January 2—the cuts start to phase in, the tax cuts start to be eliminated,” she said.

But Republicans and Democrats would immediately face tremendous pressure to reach an agreement—with the middle-class tax cuts having expired, $100 billion in spending cuts beginning to take effect (including $50 billion from the Pentagon) and reaching the debt limit and facing possible government default. Nissenbaum noted that when the government shut down in 1995, President Clinton and Congress reached agreement in just three weeks. The pressure come January 2013 would “be like ten times bigger than a government shutdown.”

Because our so-called fiscal cliff isn’t really the huge economic and existential threat that it’s being made out to be, Nissenbaum concludes:

If the choice is between a bad deal [at the end of the year]—a deal that relies heavily on spending cuts, that doesn’t protect the poor—or no deal, that’s simply not a tough choice.… The single most important principle that should guide all of the decisions around deficit reduction is that [it] should not increase poverty or inequality.

Although this has indeed been a principle of deficit reduction agreements going back for “some period of time,” Nissenbaum cautioned that there are now many bipartisan proposals that “are claiming to protect our most vulnerable but when you take a careful look at their proposals they fall well short.”

What’s at stake?

These are the three areas in play for any deficit reduction agreement: (1) discretionary spending (appropriations), (2) health/other entitlements and (3) revenues. The Budget Control Act of 2011 and other cuts last year already axed $1.5 trillion from discretionary spending, but there was zilch in new revenues.

“We have already cut non-defense discretionary down to the bone—particularly from historical levels,” said Nissenbaum.

Therefore, Nissenbaum said, a major concern is whether the president and others will “wall off” the non-defense discretionary programs that protect the poor—such as education, job training, WIC, Head Start, childcare—and prohibit further cuts.

With regard to revenues, Weinstein said that “changes in the tax code need to seek revenues from those who can afford to pay, and protect those people who can’t afford to pay more.” The refundable Earned Income Tax Credit and Child Tax Credit—which together lifted 8.7 million people out of poverty in 2011—are two of our most effective antipoverty tools and have enjoyed longtime bipartisan support, but will be targeted for cuts by conservatives.

Nissenbaum warned that while conservatives have signaled that they might agree to a small amount of revenues for deficit reduction, “what they really want is to essentially give us a nickel in taxes, only in exchange for requiring the tax committees in Congress to make another round of massive tax cuts on income tax rates well below the Bush levels.” She said some bipartisan proposals are touting a top rate of 26 to 29 percent.

“You can imagine how that would decimate the parts of the budget we all care about if revenues dropped down that low,” she said.

With regard to entitlements, Nissenbaum thinks the three that are most in jeopardy are Medicaid (and whether costs will be shifted to the states); cuts or structural changes that limit the reach and effectiveness of SNAP (food stamps); and Supplemental Social Security Income. She believes Social Security “by and large” will be off the table.

But with a goal of $2 trillion in deficit reduction (beyond the $1.5 trillion in cuts already made under the Budget Control Act)—and so many parts of the budget being entirely or largely protected in Congress, Nissenbaum believes discretionary domestic programs and low-income entitlements will take the biggest hits if major revenues aren’t part of the deal.

What you can do

Weinstein encouraged people to participate in the SAVE For All campaign, which now has the participation of over 1,900 organizations and many individuals nationwide. It’s pushing for a deficit reduction agreement that protects low-income and vulnerable people, promotes job creation, increases revenues from fair sources and seeks responsible savings from the Pentagon and other areas.

She said that antipoverty/human needs advocates are “up against” CEOs who are ready to spend about $60 million promoting a plan that has “moved more in the direction of cutting services, and less in the direction of revenues” than even the Bowles-Simpson plan that was first released in 2010; and also the “deficit scolds” who use the fear of our so-called fiscal cliff to call for huge spending cuts. (I would add a campaign of misinformation by conservatives that labels as “welfare” every investment in low-income people—whether Pell grants, foster care, Head Start, etc.; also bogus talking points such as “we spend $23,000 a year on every person in poverty.”)

“But there is a recent precedent for beating piles of CEO money,” said Weinstein, “people spoke out through the vote. The election is over but we still need to speak out.”

You can send an e-mail to your senators and representative; meet with a staff member in person, or connect with them through statewide conference calls that CHN is helping to organize (contact them). Groups and individuals can write op-eds, letters to the editor or arrange meetings with editorial boards—CHN can assist with this as well, as can the Children’s Leadership Council. Groups can hold an event at a service provider’s site, or demonstrate in front of a senator or congressman’s office—Nuns on the Bus style. Finally, stay tuned for a National Call in Day on November 28.

The bottom line is this: if you care about poverty and not making things harder for people who already have it tough, speak out during this debate. You can bet people who don’t share your interests will, and a lot of them will have much deeper pockets than you do. Be heard, be visible.

Other Campaigns

End Child Hunger: The New York City Coalition Against Hunger (NYCCAH) is calling on President Obama to publicly re-commit his pledge to end child hunger in America. You can sign an online petition here. To learn more about why ending child hunger is not only the right thing to do morally, but also good for the economy, read NYCCAH executive director Joel Berg’s letter to the president.

National Hunger and Homelessness Awareness Week (NHHAW), November 10–18: On the eve of the halfway mark for The Journey Home—Baltimore’s ten-year plan to end homelessness—students from colleges and universities in and around the city are organizing a series of local events to mark NHHAW. The events will culminate with: “A Bench is Not a Bed: Sleepout” tomorrow, November 17, beginning at 6 pm at the War Memorial Plaza in front of City Hall (100 North Holliday Street). For additional information contact NHHAW.Baltimore@gmail.com.

Urge Congress to Support Affordable Housing: In 2008, the National Housing Trust Fund (NHTF) was enacted as part of the Housing and Economic Recovery Act of 2008. Its purpose is to create dedicated sources of funding to build, preserve and rehabilitate housing for low-income people. Unfortunately Congress has never approved funding for the NHTF. With over 630,000 Americans homeless, Fighting Poverty with Faith is calling on Congress to fund the NHTF at $1 billion, providing quality and affordable homes to 3.5 million extremely low-income households over the next ten years. You can contact your senators and representative and urge them to approve $1 billion in funding here.

Reports

Married… Without Means,” Shawn Fremstad, Center for Economic and Policy Research. Policy makers and too many in the “liberal” media often claim that marriage is a way out of poverty for Americans striving for the middle class. Fremstad’s excellent new report demonstrates that most parents with below-poverty incomes who are raising children are, in fact, married. He attributes the struggles of married adults to policy decisions that have led to stagnating wages; the lack of a coordinated child care and early education system; and a failure to institute basic labor standards such as paid family leave.

“If we want to reduce marital poverty and hardship—and increase family economic security generally—over the next two decades, we need to fix the economy by strengthening existing labor institutions, particularly unions, and creating new basic standards that apply nationwide, including ones for paid family leave,” writes Fremstad. “In the immediate short term, we need more public investment to create jobs and rebuild the economy. Finally, we need to strengthen existing, effective systems of social protection, including Social Security and Medicaid, and overhaul ones that have completely failed struggling married parents, particularly Temporary Assistance for Families (TANF).”

Pulling Apart: A State-by-State Analysis of Income Trends,” Elizabeth McNichol, Douglas Hall, David Cooper, and Vincent Palacios, Center on Budget and Policy Priorities and Economic Policy Institute. The gaps between the incomes of the richest households and low- and middle-income households are wide and growing in most states. Between the late 1990s and mid-2000s, gaps between the richest and the poorest households widened in forty-five states and DC, and narrowed in none. Incomes fell by close to 6 percent among the bottom fifth of households, on average, while rising by 8.6 percent among the top fifth, during this period. Incomes grew even faster—14 percent— among the top 5 percent of households. For the middle fifth of households, incomes grew by just 1.2 percent.

The study is one of the few to examine income inequality at the state level, and it finds that growth in wage inequality is the biggest factor contributing to the income gaps in most states. The report recommends state policies that can mitigate the widening divide, including: raising and indexing the minimum wage; making state tax systems less regressive—they currently rely more on sales taxes and user fees that hit low-income households especially hard, rather than progressive income taxes; strengthening supports for low-income workers such as childcare, transportation and health insurance; and strengthening the unemployment insurance system so that more unemployed workers are able to access benefits.

State Asset Limit Reforms and Implications for Federal Policy,” Aleta Sprague and Rachel Black, New America Foundation. Nearly every means-tested public assistance program employs an asset test, which is a limit on the amount of savings and other resources a family can own and remain eligible for benefits. Though asset tests vary widely across programs and states, the limits typically hover around just $2000, thus requiring families to remain in both income poverty and asset poverty to receive benefits. This report identifies some of the impacts of both implementing and reforming asset limits on the administration of the SNAP (food stamps) and TANF (cash assistance) programs. Key findings include: assets limits pose a barrier to long-term self-sufficiency; and a variety of resource and political barriers must be overcome to lift asset tests.

Young Children at Risk,” Taylor Robbins, Shannon Stagman, Sheila Smith, National Center for Children in Poverty. Across the United States, large numbers of young children are affected by one or more risk factors that have been linked to academic failure and poor health. Chief among them is family economic hardship. Additional risk factors can markedly increase children’s chances of adverse outcomes, too. The national and state data presented here highlight groups of vulnerable children and families whose needs can be addressed through a wide range of family support, health and education policies. Information about the size and characteristics of a state’s population of young, at-risk children can inform policy decisions about investments in new or expanded supports that help mitigate risks and improve life outcomes for these children.

Weathering the Great Recession,” Economic Mobility Project, Pew Center on the States. The report reveals that while all communities felt a devastating impact on their economic security, high-poverty neighborhoods lost the greatest percentage of wealth. Families in low-poverty neighborhoods experienced wealth losses of 47 percent, while those in high poverty lost an astounding 91 percent. Other economic measures examined in the report include: homeownership and housing equity losses; mortgage payment distress; wage decreases; and unemployment.

The Volunteer Experience: Men and Women Who Make Free Tax Preparation Work,” National Community Tax Coalition (NCTC). NCTC works to create a more accessible and equitable tax system for American workers. It represents more than 63,000 volunteers at 6,300 community Volunteer Income Tax Assistance (VITA) sites. Last year, these volunteers prepared an estimated 1.6 million federal tax returns for low- and moderate-income workers. The program depends on volunteers willing to spend long hours performing a sometimes very tedious task. What makes them do it? NCTC interviewed four volunteers to learn more about their motivations, experiences and backgrounds.

Articles, Clips, etc.

From Master Plan to No Plan: The Slow Death of Public Higher Education,” Aaron Bady and Mike Konczal

Segregation and Obama’s second term,” Steve Bogira

New Poverty Data Provide Key Insights into Fiscal Cliff Negotiations,” Melissa Boteach

The Problem Is Clear: The Water Is Filthy,” Patricia Leigh Brown

Homeless College Students Cope With Needing a Home Over Winter Break,” (AUDIO) Kavitha Cardoza

Americans Want to Raise the Minimum Wage,” Bryce Covert

The Poor Will Be the First Over the Fiscal Cliff,” Bryce Covert

Healing a Broken System: Veterans and the War on Drugs,” Drug Policy Alliance

Rick Perry Calls For Drug-Testing The Poor And Jobless,” Arthur Delaney

Alleging New Wave of Retaliation, Walmart Warehouse Workers Will Strike Day Early,” Josh Eidelson

Ohioans’ food stamp aid to be reduced,” Kate Giammarise

New initiative seeks to keep juveniles out of trouble by keeping them out of jail,” Phillip Lucas

The Election is Over — Now What?” (VIDEO) Moyers & Company

Called to Work During Superstorm Sandy, Tribeca Parking Attendant Drowned,” Lizzy Ratner

Bishops fail to agree on economy, but push Dorothy Day sainthood,” Ann Rodgers

Anacostia: Why I have faith in the future of my neighborhood,” Michael Shank

The Power of the Safety Net: What the Supplemental Poverty Measure Shows,” Arloc Sherman

Poverty growing among L.A. County veterans, study finds,” Alexandra Zavis

Vital Statistics

US poverty (less than $23,021 for a family of four): 46.2 million people, 15.1 percent.

Children in poverty: 16.1 million, 22 percent of all children, including more than one in three African American and Latino children. Poorest age group in the country.

Deep poverty (less than $11,510 for a family of four): 20.4 million people, one in fifteen Americans, including more than 15 million women and children.

Below twice the poverty level (less than $46,042 for a family of four): 106 million people, more than 1 in 3 Americans.

Children under age 6 below twice the poverty level: nearly half, 11.4 million children.

States with child poverty rates of 20 percent or higher: 27.

States with child poverty rates of less than 15 percent: 7.

Jobs in the US paying less than $34,000 a year: 50 percent.

Jobs in the US paying below the poverty line for a family of four, less than $23,000 annually: 25 percent.

Youth employment: lowest level in more than sixty years.

Poverty-level wages, 2011: 28 percent of workers.

Families receiving cash assistance, 1996: 68 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Families receiving cash assistance, 2010: 27 for every 100 families living in poverty.

Gender gap, 2011: women 34 percent more likely to be poor than men.

Gender gap, 2010: women 29 percent more likely to be poor than men.

People age 50 and over at risk of hunger every day: 9 million.

Percentage of US population in poverty at some time before age 65: over 50 percent.

Impact of public policy, 2010: without government assistance, poverty would have been twice as high—nearly 30 percent of population.

Impact of public policy, 1964–1973: poverty rate fell by 43 percent.

Quote of the Week

“What does it profit a man to be able to eat at an integrated lunch counter if he doesn’t earn enough money to buy a hamburger and a cup of coffee?”
      —Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. (source: Joel Berg letter to President Obama)

Research assistance provided by Christie Thompson.

This Week in Poverty posts here on Friday mornings, and again on Sundays at Moyers & Company. Please comment below. You can also e-mail me at WeekInPoverty@me.com and follow me on Twitter.

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