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Why Is Tom Corbett Speaking at Millersville's Commencement?


Tom Corbett speaks on the Pennsylvania state budget. (AP Photo/Bradley C. Bower)

After Pennsylvania Governor Tom Corbett proposed a 53 percent cut to the state’s 2011-2012 higher education budget, Millersville University President Francine McNairy sent an urgent campus-wide email. Corbett’s “massive cuts are upsetting,” she wrote on March 8, 2011. “We at Millersville are encouraging our students and their families, our faculty, staff and alumni to contact their local legislators and urge them to advocate on behalf of public higher education in Pennsylvania.” On March 28, the men’s cross country team ran a 40-mile relay from Millersville to the state capitol, where they met up with thousands of students and workers from across the state for “United We Stand, Underfunded We Fail.” Three months later, the Republican state legislature lowered a smaller axe—18 percent. Still, this would cost Millersville $6.34 million, including, despite their triumphant, crowd-parting display, all three men’s track teams.

This was Millersville’s first austerity-on-acid trip—a departure from previous, even Republican, administrations. Between 1985 and 2011, the state’s share of its budget plummeted from 60 percent to 25 percent; students’ contribution went from 40 percent to 75 percent. In 2010, Tea Partier Tom Corbett came in to sweep away whatever was left of the state’s blue economy. In 2011, the state cut public education by $860 million (after a Corbett-proposed $1.2 billion), hitting already under-resourced districts, like Philadelphia, the hardest. In 2012, Corbett scrapped the state’s General Assistance fund, a direct subsidy that mostly benefited people with disabilities. Meanwhile, the governor’s 2013-2014 budget, in keeping with previous years, includes a $68 million increase in operating funds and $166 million in capital projects for the Department of Corrections. For Pennsylvanians, these are known quantities: this year, Corbett earned the lowest approval rating in the eighteen-year history of the Franklin & Marshall poll (18 percent). His appearances in Philadelphia are routinely protested. (A September 19 town hall at the Museum of Art was sidelined by chants of “We want education, not incarceration!” and “Corbett go home!”)

Naturally, then, the man Millersville has chosen to usher graduating seniors into the world of debt and unemployment is the same one who rules it: Tom Corbett.

For those who have borne the brunt of Pennsylvania’s austerity politics, Corbett’s anointment as commencement speaker is a slap in the face. “The audacity for someone to bring him in to speak to us—I feel like it’s disrespectful, it’s a cruel joke,” says fifth-year senior Kyle Johnson, who has dealt with cuts to his campus work hours and financial aid issues. “But, you know, the university is a business. You come to find that out once you go along.” On March 8, Johnson received a less-than-reassuring email from Jerry Eckert, chairman of the Commencement Speaker Committee, reading, “I know this note will not satisfy you…this is an opportunity to demonstrate to the Governor and others what a fine University and its students are—a worthy investment  by the state!”

An opportunity, indeed—for people like Jerry Eckert. In the weeds of Corbett’s selection are hints of old-boy patronage, a business decision based on shifty insider trading.

Two figures stand out. The first is Eckert, Millersville’s Vice President for Advancement—and an appointed member of Governor Corbett’s higher education committee. The second is Kevin Harley, a 1986 Millersville grad who doubles as a member of the Millersville University Council of Trustees and Corbett’s sitting press secretary. With these gubernatorial ties, the logic of Millersville’s “demonstration” works both ways. For someone whose infamy stems from the unpopularity of his budgetary decisions, Corbett’s selection gives him the opportunity to enter the politically no-frills space of a graduation ceremony and trumpet his abstract devotion to the state’s shrinking education system.

If Corbett’s selection is an under-the-table political play, Millersville has followed in step—violating its own bylaws in the process. For the commencement committee that Eckert chairs, which comprises students, faculty and administrators, “The terms of office begin 1 October, and the committee shall meet at least one time per year, usually during the fall semester, but at other times at the call of the convener or a majority of the members of the committee.” But according to university spokesperson Janet Kacskos, “They haven’t met in the last couple years.” Millersville has “a standing list of folks we’d like to speak at commencement,” she told The Nation, and as sitting governor, Corbett’s appearance is significant.

Eckert issued an apology to the president of the student senate (but not the university at large) for failing to follow procedure. Meanwhile, the governor’s overt stance on his selection has been collegial—that is, apolitical. “His commencement addresses are not—he’s not going to talk about budgets, he’s going to talk about the accomplishments of the students,” says Harley, who dismisses suggestions of any political maneuvering. “He considers it an honor to speak.”

For faculty and students, the university’s apologies are stacking up. At Millersville—and universities the world over—command-and-control governance is part-and-parcel of unforgiving budget politics. Over spring break, the university bulldozed “the Bush,” a patch of forest on campus used for biology research, to make way for a new student housing project. The Friday before the break, all faculty members were emailed about the move—far too late for any to speak up. In November, Millersville’s Council of Trustees overruled the school’s Presidential Search Committee in nominating a slate of potential new presidents for the state to choose from—a possible violation of Pennsylvania Act 188.

“It has become a slippery slope of people being disenfranchised,” says Jill Craven, a Millersville English professor. “There’s an old boys network that works in a particular way. It’s another thing when administrators want to take advantage of that.” Faculty have also felt the blunter edge of the Corbett axe. In March, the union representing the fourteen schools in the Pennsylvania State System of Higher Education (PASSHE) settled contract negotiations with the state—after nearly two years of negotiations and a November vote authorizing a strike.

What to do about Corbett at commencement? 

When the governor spoke at Albright College in 2011, the faculty voted unanimously not to grant him an honorary degree—despite that Albright is a private school that’s off the governor’s operating table. At Millersville, the top-down governance that set the stage for Corbett’s selection has lit a fire under campus dissenters.

Over the course of the semester, student organizers have met with faculty members, faculty union representatives, students from other PASSHE schools and alumni. A SignOn.org petition saying that Corbett “does not deserve the honor of speaking at our ceremony” has amassed over 2,200 signatures (nearly half the size of the Millersville student body). “We have fostered a dialogue amongst ourselves to drive democracy in action,” says Rizzo Mertz, a 2011 Millersville grad. “The amount of collaboration among students, alumni and faculty has been fantastic.”

Come commencement, students and allies plan to stand silently and turn their backs on the governor when he speaks. “He turned his back on us, so we’re going to turn our backs on him, and show him what it feels like in public,” Mertz says.

Mertz has also filed right-to-know requests with the state, PASSHE and the university for documents related to the presidential search and commencement selection. In April, the state rejected most of Mertz’s requests, but did return now-former President McNairy’s November invitation to Corbett, which applauds his “successful professional career” and “commitment to community involvement.”

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“Our students and staff are highly respectful,” Kacskos says, about the commencement stirrings. “They all believe in diverse opinions and free speech.”

“This isn’t a matter of free speech,” Mertz rejoins. “It’s a matter of self-respect.”

In the neoliberal university, speech may be free, but it’s also profitable. At a commencement ceremony, speakers have an ideal opportunity to make bank. With no room for rebuttal, counter-speech must be off the premises (as with “alternative commencement” ceremonies) or a silent jam.

Score one for Tom Corbett.

But score another for the forces of popular resentment—who, at an event where imagery trumps debate, don’t seem willing to give the governor’s image back.

For first-person takes on student uprising across the country, read StudentNation's Dispatches From the US Student Movement.

As Semester Winds Down, Divestment Heats Up


Students from around the country demand coal divestment at Brown University. (Kevin Proft/ecoRI News.)

This article was originally published by ecoRI News. Follow @ecoRInews to keep up on its invaluable reporting.

Students from New York to Boston rallied May 3 with Brown Divest Coal activists on Brown University’s main green, demanding that President Christina Paxson and The Corporation of Brown University vote on whether to divest the college’s $2.5 billion endowment from the 15 largest coal companies in the United States during an upcoming May 23 meeting. Rally organizers provided the 150 attendees with symbolic orange ballots to cast into the “smokestack” of the ballot box, a miniature coal-powered plant made from a cardboard box with a big X on its side.

Before casting their ballots, many students explained why halting climate change mattered to them. “If we do not take action, one billion people will be displaced by climate change by the end of the century,” Brown University freshman Tammy Jiang said. “We cannot let that happen.”

A student from Tufts University voiced frustration that colleges with huge endowments are investing in the fossil-fuel industry. “Those investments are undercutting our ability to create a livable society," he said.

Lucy Bates-Campbell, a Brown University senior, cast her ballot while cradling Roxy, her pet dog. Most animals will not be immune to climate change, Bates-Campbell said, so we need to help protect the animals that can’t protect themselves.

The theme of unity among divestment activists was present throughout the rally. “All divestment campaigns are interconnected,” said a student from New York’s Columbia University. “We are here for a rally at Brown, and we need you to be at Columbia’s rallies.”

Nick Katkevich, representing the University of Rhode Island’s new fossil fuel-divestment campaign, said his group will build capacity during the summer, then work with Brown and the Rhode Island School of Design to push for divestment on Rhode Island campuses next fall. URI’s campaign will be coordinated with students at Rhode Island College and Community College of Rhode Island, because all three schools share one endowment.

The rally regularly broke into chants about climate change and divestment. Hand-painted cardboard signs were abundant. After casting their symbolic ballots, the students marched across the green to the administration building, where Paxson’s office is located. Two Brown Divest Coal representatives were sent to request that Paxson address the crowd; Paxson declined.

Before the rally ended, Brown University junior Dara Illowsky held up a handmade sign with Paxson’s office telephone number painted on it. “I want you all to take out your phones and add this number to your contacts,” she said.

Rally organizers asked each attendee to call the president soon and tell her their views about divesting from coal.

RISD sit-in
On April 29, Divest RISD transformed from a relatively small college divestment movement to a high-profile campaign attracting attention from 350.org’s Bill McKibben and “This American Life’s” Ira Glass, who will feature the group on an upcoming program.

As previously reported, Emma Beede, leader of Divest RISD, took a top-down approach when establishing RISD’s divestment campaign. Before rallying student support, Beede and a handful of student volunteers met with RISD’s faculty, administration and financial decision makers to introduce the concept of fossil-fuel divestment.

After securing unanimous support from the faculty and experiencing opposition from the board of trustees, Beede began asking the student body to get involved. Despite what Beede described as “a lack of an activist culture at RISD,” Divest RISD has caught on among students.

During Divest RISD’s April 29 Day of Action some 150 students gathered on the “RISD Beach,” between Waterman, Benefit and Angell streets, then marched to RISD’s administration downtown building on Washington Street.

About and hour prior to the rally, Beede and 10 Divest RISD members marched into RISD President John Maeda’s office. According to Beede, Maeda wasn’t there, but the students informed his secretary that they wouldn’t leave the president’s office until the board of trustees agreed to hear Divest RISD’s case during its May 17 meeting.

Beede said she and her fellow protestors then contacted the hundreds of people who signed the Divest RISD petition to bring attention to the sit-in and encourage them to join.

The sit-in lasted 24 hours, during which the participants met with administrators and the president. After securing a chance to make the case for fossil-fuel divestment at the upcoming meeting, the protestors vacated the president’s office.

RISD’s sit-in was the first of its kind for the fossil fuel-divestment movement that has been spreading throughout the country since last summer.

Graduating leaders
At semester’s end, many leaders involved with campus divestment campaigns will graduate.

Nathan Bishop of Brown Divest Coal graduates this month. He will move home to Chicago and start applying to law school. Bishop wants to work on climate-change policy and legislation.

Bishop said he will stay involved with the fossil fuel-divestment movement. He plans to join Chicago’s divestment campaigns, and continue helping with Brown Divest Coal in some capacity.

Beede, leader of Divest RISD, is also graduating. Beede’s future plans depend on where she finds a job, but she said she will continue to call for divestment regardless of her geographic location. She said she will get involved in local campaigns and continue to help with Divest RISD.

Moving forward
According to student leaders from Brown, RISD and URI, each divestment campaign will concentrate on building capacity this summer. Jiang said she and others activists from Brown Divest Coal will attend a summer conference in New Jersey to learn and share strategies with other campus divestment campaigns.

Brown Divest Coal activists expect The Corporation of Brown University to vote in favor of divestment from coal later this month, after which the campaign will expand its demands to include divesting from the rest of the fossil-fuel industry.

Divest RISD activists will present at the May 17 board of trustees meeting. Divest RISD hopes to secure a vote from the board on divestment during its October meeting, according to Beede, who said Divest RISD has freshman, sophomores and juniors ready to continue the campaign after she graduates.

Meanwhile, URI, CCRI and RIC’s campaign is in its fledgling stages, and will aim to gain traction during the fall semester. Stay tuned.

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Swarthmore Students to Board of Managers: No More Business as Usual

On May 4, an open meeting between the Swarthmore Board of Managers and a coalition of student activist groups was held on campus. While the meeting was focused on fossil fuel divestment, a coalition of students broadened the discussion, transforming it into a general assembly, addressing a wide range of student concerns, including sexual assault on campus, the accountability of managers and the administration to students, and the experiences of students of color, queer students, first-generation and working-class students, as well as the central imperative of fossil fuel divestment. Dozens of students spoke, along with Swarthmore alumni, faculty, and two Board members. The discussion demonstrated an admirable solidarity and support among the students.

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Talking with Johnson Wiley

A year after Johnson Wiley joined the Marines Corps in 2001, straight out of high school, he found himself on a plane to a base camp on the Kuwaiti boarder of Iraq. Almost two years later, the stench of sulfur filled the sky, marking the beginning of the “shock and awe” campaign, and the US invasion of Iraq. Today, after two long deployments, Wiley is finishing his undergraduate degree at Rutgers University in English and Philosophy, with plans to get an MFA and PhD after graduation. The Nation spoke with Wiley about his time overseas, the difference between his experience and his father’s – a Marine in Vietnam, and undergraduate life after the Marine Corps and what it's like to be a student coming out of the military. This interview has been edited and condensed.

Where did you grow up?

I grew up actually adjacent to New Brunswick [where Rutgers University is located] in Piscataway [New Jersey]. It was fairly close to the American Dream. We had a house, both my mother and father worked. My father was a truck driver, and is still, my mother at the time was a math teacher at a town called Plainfield. As far as the outward appearance of life, there was nothing bad.…There was an imbalance due, possibly, to the dynamic that was in the house. My father was often times on the road, busy, and he would come home usually every night but he was gone during most of the day, so he would come home, eat, and go to sleep. My mother was working during the day as a teacher. She would go to work, teach, come back, do her lesson plan for the next day or help us with our homework, plus make dinner, plus do laundry, plus clean, get my father’s stuff ready. Someone or something gets lost in that. I was one thing that happened to get lost in it. I had a mind of my own, so it wasn’t necessarily a bad thing. I wasn’t a troublemaker as a kid…. I made my own decisions. I could have done better in high school but there was some tension in the house between me and my father that made it difficult to always concentrate on my schoolwork, in light of being frustrated when he was around. He had this way of throwing everything off – throwing off the tranquility or the focus of whatever the group, the group being me my mother and my sister, was on, he just disrupted everything. And I think I took that frustration out on my schoolwork, so I ended up taking it out on myself, though I didn’t know that [at the time].

Did you always want to join the Marine Corps after high school?

It’s interesting. When I was a little kid in the ‘80s, action figures and action cartoons were the thing. If it wasn’t GI Joe it was something similar, where you have the good guys and you have the bad guys – there’s an army on earth or in space, whether in the future, present or the past. So I bit into that part of American life, that “Grow up and be a hero. Be all that you can be” — that was me as a child. And I’d say up until my teenage years I did want to join the military wholeheartedly. I was going to maybe join the Special Forces or be a Navy SEAL, like my favorite G.I. Joe character, Snake Eyes, which I still remember, to do all that cool stuff. And then once I got a little bit older and got more frustrated with the fact that I was getting more negative attention from my father, I wanted to remove myself from certain things that he was attached to, because my father was in the Marine Corps in Vietnam.  I didn’t want to be like him. ...I found myself removing myself from the idea of growing up to be a part of a strict system of rules because I had that in my house. I had to deal with that with the way my father was. …What happened, what turned that around, was actually September 11. I was always patriotic…but when the World Trade Center went down it’s like the smoldering fire that was in me to want to protect the country in some way got reignited. You know, someone took the fan and blew those flames hotter. [I thought], I wouldn’t want my family to suffer in any way due to people overseas that don’t even know us but would like to kill us or destroy what we have. So I said, “I’ll join the military, we’ll see what happens from there.”

Did you talk to your father about it?

At the time that I decided, no. Once it became obvious that I was going then yes, he asked me if I wanted to join the military because I think he saw me talking to a recruiter one day at the house – I can’t even remember how I got in contact with them as a matter of fact, but I’m pretty sure that I reached out to them – and he told me that I was more or less going to have to join the Marine Corps because it has a reputation for being the toughest branch of service in the military out of the four basic branches: the Air Force, the Army, the Navy, and the Marine Corps. You have your Special Forces, you have your Navy SEALs, you have your Recon and things like that, but as far as your basic infantrymen, your basic troops, the Marine Corps has stricter guidelines, it’s harder to get in, boot camp is longer and tougher, combat training is more intense, you have to be in better shape, things like that. And because [my father] was a Marine, I knew there was no way I could live down being in the military but joining another branch of service. He’d always have some sort of a funny joke to one-up me somehow.

Did he talk about Vietnam a lot when you were growing up?

Only a little bit. He spoke about some things that he found funny. My father was a corporal when he was deployed to Vietnam, which in civilian terms could be equated with an immediate or working supervisor. One day he, a lower ranking Marine, and their lieutenant were in a tent when a poisonous snake crept in. When you’re deployed you often times live with the wildlife, and animals don’t respect boundaries. Well, when they noticed the snake, the other two guys ran out of the tent before my father had a chance to move. He was left with the snake going around and around inside of the tent trying to get out. I think someone tossed a shovel or something back into the tent and he killed it. He thought this was a funny story because of how scared everyone was, including the lieutenant, who had the highest rank.

So he mostly told you anecdotes and stories he didn’t talk as much about —?

Like the combat aspects or anything like that? No. I asked him some things because you can’t get around – being in the military – the question of whether or not you’ve at least shot at the enemy, or been shot at yourself….and he said he had been in combat but not, let’s say, not how they romanticize it on television. His specific job skill was as an anti-tank gunner… From what he said, I don’t think he had to deal with the type of combat where you have people charging at you and you see the whites of the person’s eyes and you may take his life. But he did say that his best friend, who was with him at the time, as they were getting fired upon, had a grenade thrown on his body and was blown up. So I said, “Well did you cry?” I was a kid at the time, I don’t even think I was ten years old. He said, “No.” I said, “Why not?” He said there was no time to cry. You just keep firing and that was that. And out of anything he could have told me that was the worst that he ever did tell me.

What was your daily experience in the Marines like?

It was a varied experience. I was a heavy equipment operator – that was my job skill. …So while I was on the base, there was a lot of waiting. We did combat training up until the point before and intermittently between our first deployment to Operation Iraqi Freedom 1 (OIF1) in 2003. And in between those times. We did runs [using] a forklift to move pallets of ammunition. “Down at the dump, x amount of miles away, they need pallets of ammo,” so I would do that, on the slow moving forklift, on the road bouncing all the way, cars behind me impatiently waiting for me to get where I need to go. I’d do whatever they needed me to do and then I’d go back to what we call our lot, which was just a large dusty white lot that had our equipment, container handlers, rough terrain forklifts, mobile cranes, things like that. The cranes were the most fun to use but also the most dangerous. So that was life on base…. If you were low on the totem pole like me, you usually always had somewhere to go to either move some material for someone else in a vehicle, or to assist a motor transport a truck driver and drive from point A to point B. Or delivering some type of good somewhere, or they put you on what’s called a work party, a working party, to do anything – from cleaning some office to picking up trash somewhere, you name it I’ve pretty much done it. With the exception of moving a dead body. I’ve touched things that I don’t ever want to touch again. Deployment was different. The Marine Corps was originally set up for short deployment. That changed with these recent conflicts in the Middle East, because it was a type of conflict the United States had never seen before.  

And, am I right in understanding that when the war started you weren't told where you were going?

No, no, we were strictly on a need-to-know basis. Once we left the country all we needed to know was we were getting on a plane and were supposed to have this gear, and that piece of gear, and so on, and when we landed we were going to be spoken to by our superiors about what to do next. …We were very much on a need-to-know basis and that’s everybody, from officers as high as colonels, down to the lowest private. No one is told anything they do not need to know – and for good reason. But it’s very frustrating.

So you got there and weren’t doing much, you said?

Pretty much. Things were moving behind the scenes, of course, but when we got there, there was no war. There were still no weapons of mass destruction found anyway, but when I was in the country first there was not even a task force or a group of inspectors to go into Iraq to look for weapons of mass destruction, there were only rumors that Saddam had these things. But the Marine Corps is under the direct control of the President so if he says deploy, you deploy. Congress doesn’t need to get involved, he can send us where he wants to. …I don’t know what the people behind the scenes were thinking about, I was another piece on the checkerboard being moved.

And before your deployment, you’d been at the base for how long?

I’d been in the Marine Corps for about a year, a year and a month. My official time of joining was January 2002, so by the time I left in early February, I was only in the Marine Corps – including boot camp, including combat training, including skill training – I was only in the Marine corps for a total of a year. I’d only been with my platoon in the Fleet Marine Corps for about 5 months or so, so I was very new to everything. When we got there we really didn’t know what to expect. …Another thing I didn’t expect is that there was a large satellite television in this massive tent where we would eat our meals and we got BBC news channel, CNN, stuff like that, and some evening we could see, I still remember seeing Condoleezza Rice or some other inspectors coming out of the palaces in Iraq and saying [there was no discovery of] weapons of mass destruction. And I looked over to a friend of mine and asked, “What do you think is going to happen here?” And he said he didn’t think they’d move us all over hear for no reason. “I don’t think so either but look at what we’re seeing on television versus us being here as a military force? What’s going on with that?” Not too long after that we woke up, I think this was in March, and the sky was dark because of all the sulfur — they’d started the “shock and awe” campaign overnight. And again, at that time I was in a camp in Kuwait. So we didn’t know when anything was going to start. I doubt too many people at our level – E5s [sergeants] and below – knew when this was going to happen. Just wake up the next morning the sky is black, smells like sulfur, something happened. And that’s pretty much when the invasion started. From there we were split up.

Some of our platoon moved farther north, some of us stayed in that camp, and this is where my memory splits apart. I distinctly remember telling my best friend that I wanted to stay at the camp we were at because I didn’t like the tension that was being brought to the platoon because of the nervousness I felt some of the platoon commanders exhibited. …My convictions, as far as being there, were not as strong as if I had been sent to Afghanistan where I [originally] thought I was going because that was where, for those of us that joined after September 11, we were under the impression that the real enemy was: the Taliban, in Afghanistan. You want to defend the country, you go there. That’s where I thought I was going and I was wrong. So I said, you know, I don’t know how I feel about all of this. Do they have weapons of mass destruction or do they not? What are we here for? People are in danger, so on and so forth. If you tell me to do something, as a Marine I’ll do it. But if you’re giving me the choice to volunteer for what could or could not be dangerous—I think I’ll just hang back here [at the camp] and I’ll work myself like a dog until everything is finished [is what I was thinking]. And I did stay at that camp if I recall correctly, or so I thought. Now on the other hand, something happened where I was at that camp or possibly somewhere else. …what happens is I have two sets of memories. I have those, and then I have another of being convoys and getting ambushed and getting shot at, also shooting at some others. The things that people like to put in movies and stuff, it’s only cool if you don’t have to live with it. …Not knowing whether or not you’re going to survive from one second to the next, forget one day. If in a split second it’s all going to be over, it can be nerve-wracking until you learn to get used to that. These are the things nobody really wants to talk about and in trying to get to the bottom of it, some of my friends who were there with me won’t talk to me about it. It’s hard for me to find out what happened when the people who were supposed to be there with me will cut off the conversation and say, “We end here, because this is not –I’m not going down that road.” I don’t know what happened. I just know I remember things and I have gaps where there’s literally nothing but blackness between this day and another day, and I can’t place what came between.

To jump ahead from deployment, because I stayed there longer than 6 months, I was there for about 11, when I got back to the states for a month, close to December or January, I was with another guy in my platoon. We were on our way from a medical building or some other office on Camp Lejeune [the Marine Corps Base in Jacksonville, North Carolina] and another Marine stopped me. He knew me and he called me by my last name, he said “Hey Wiley how are you, how are you doing,” basic stuff you would say to a friend [but one] that you know very, very closely…. But I had no clue, still have no clue, who this person is. To me he’s as recognizable as a member of the North Korean Royal family. He said, “You don’t remember me,” do you? And he got this really sad look on his face. And I said no. “You don’t remember all these things we used to do?” he started to name, and I just shook my head and cut him off and said, I don’t remember any of that. He looked rejected. He looked very sad. And I just walked away from him. …That made it obvious to me that some things took place that I’ll never be able to remember….[I also have] problems hearing loud noises, being jumpy, being hyper-vigilant, being very irritable at the sound of babies crying or dogs barking, things like that.

Where you deployed a second time?

Yes, I was deployed twice. The second time I was deployed for 7 months and during that time I felt that was a cakewalk compared to the first deployment. That was considered OIF3 [Operation Iraqi Freedom 3], we had a better handle on the situation, I was definitely in Iraq for sure that time.  This was in 2005, February until let’s say September or so. The local populace made sure to let us know more routinely that they didn’t like us by bombing the camp…. On the second deployment we had a bit more interaction with some of the locals. Also some Marines helped with the training of the [Iraqi security] forces – I was not one. My interactions were I would say more limited.

We discussed this a bit earlier [pre-interview] but what was your experience as a person of color in the Marines?

In the Marine Corps I’d say I didn’t run into any racism in boot camp, although the majority of my platoon mates in boot camp, let’s say 20 or so of 30, were from rural areas where they have a reputation for ignorant kind of racism. I didn’t experience any of it. I think the drill instructors had a good handle on it, plus they kept our brains so completely wrapped around the games we had to play in boot camp that it was almost like the mind had no time to go there. …If I were to break down the demographic I would say it was mostly white, followed by Latino, followed by black with few Asians and even less Middle Eastern, South Asian, etc.

Once I got to my platoon or what we call the Fleet Marine Corps, then I got to see some instances of racism. Once,  a buddy of mine in my training platoon, when we were training to be heavy equipment operators, he asked me if it was true that all black people smoked crack. And I couldn’t believe he said it, you know, it was surprising. It was also hurtful and insulting in a how-could-you-be-so-stupid? kind of way. He was from somewhere in Texas and because I was the only person of color [he had ever met]… I simply said that was a stupid thing to say. I couldn’t think of anything else to say, and I didn’t want to hurt his feelings since he didn’t intend to hurt mine….He was upset at himself that he offended me, but didn’t really know what he had done wrong. These guys were from places where they had literally no experience talking to or seeing anyone other than white people in their daily lives. If they saw any other race it was just on television or in magazines or something. So they grew up with these preconceived notions about people of other racisms that were so deeply engrained in them that they thought they were totally natural. …I guess you can say it’s part of the American bubble and once we were in the Marines corps that bubble was forced to be popped. …At the same time it was a bit different for me as a guy that takes pride in being considered intelligent and articulate, that some of the black Marines that I met said things like I was the whitest black guy they knew. Some of the white marines also said that, so you have to ask the question: does being inarticulate and maybe responding negatively to what you aren’t familiar to, is this how all black people act to you? I guess there are also ideas of cultural norms: all black people can dance, all black guys listen to rap music, pick a stereotype I think I’ve faced it.

Did you feel it was assumed you'd be a teacher of sorts? Like it was expected you would be a representative of people of color or black people in general, for some of these fellow Marines?

Maybe if I had perceived that many [fellow Marines] were that ignorant about other peoples’ experiences I might have thought that. I’d say until I got to maybe close to around my second year or so in the Marine Corps I had no idea that people were that clueless even with the things I’d experienced. …Still after that I didn’t feel I had to teach people anything, unless somebody asked me a question. I was who I was. …I found that the black Marines that didn’t know me well, they didn’t know, I guess, how to interact with me because I wasn’t what they were used to. And at the same time, the white Marines were going through this process of figuring me out, asking questions about what I liked or didn’t like and so on, because I wasn’t what they had imagined other black men to be. So it put me in a place where I was a kind of enigma of sorts at first. And because of that I guess I just let that be … One of my last roommates was a black guy from Chicago and he had the hardest time trying to figure me out. Because I didn’t represent, aside from my skin color and some experiences that we shared growing up as black, I didn’t represent the idea socially of what other black guys are [thought to be] like. So instead of some of the white Marines, he actually had the hardest time I would say. But I guess I shouldn’t talk because there are so many different instances …There’s trying to navigate that stream between what ideas of racial and social norms are when you don’t fit those, when you are of – or mostly identify with – a certain race but certain characteristics are different, maybe physical or behavioral characteristics and mannerisms and things of that nature. You know the mind works best when it can take something and group it with something else.

After you got back to the States and started school at Rutgers University, what were some of your initial experiences and reactions?

When I first got to Rutgers I was very nervous. It was only the second time in my life that I was actually on a university campus, possibly the third time. …and it was just so nerve-racking being around so many people. I kind of got used to it at Middlesex County College [where I went before Rutgers] and when I got to Rutgers I had more of a handle on that, the difference between not just regular civilian life and being in the military but also being around the students and different activities, that Rutgers was a bigger step. …I’d figured that there [would be] more veterans [on campus], but there aren’t many, especially in the arts and sciences. It seems like [there aren’t many] former military in general. I’ve only met one other former Marine in the Arts and Sciences. He’s a Psychology major and Philosophy minor I believe. It surprised me, I expected to run into a few others but no. Just him and another student in my class that was in the Navy and she’s an English major. So yeah, few and far between.

How did you feel in relation to other students, being older, having very different pre-college experiences?

Feeling older was interesting because it didn’t feel that different. …seeing as how I look the same age if not younger than most students, I usually wouldn’t let the cat out of the bag as far as how old I am [30]. I still don’t. I think it’s a funny surprise when I let people know my age. I guess I felt that although I was part of the student body, I was still kind of apart from those younger students who were just getting away from their parents home, who are just starting to branch out and learn things about life by themselves. I was thrust into those positions earlier so it was different. I guess I’m still trying to put a finger on that.

Do you find yourself sharing your military experiences? Does it come up in friendships? In class?

It comes up in friendships eventually, depending on the type of conversation we have…. In terms of class, it comes up in all of my creative writing classes because I’ve written poems about my feelings while deployed, or things that have happened afterward. I’m actually doing a memoiristic honors thesis about my first deployment and it comes up in the creative nonfiction class I’m in. People are interested in the story and in I guess all that entails, whether you’re an older adult or younger student, it’s something a lot of people haven’t experienced so I try to be honest. I don’t try to romanticize anything, I’m not trying to sign a movie deal.

What are your plans for the rest of your studies? Do you have post-graduation plans?

I’d like to first obtain my MFA after I graduate, which I’ll be delaying until next year because I want to finish [what was originally] my minor in Philosophy as a major, which will require two more semesters. I’d like to graduate next year and obtain my MFA in Creative Writing. I had originally wanted to make that a PhD in Creative Writing which is extremely new. Right now I definitely want to get an MFA in Creative Writing, and then a PhD in English. [Johnson Wiley is also currently working on a memoir.]

Interns' Favorite Articles of the Week (5/3/2013)

This week, Silicon Valley is poaching talent from Wall Street—and trying to import it, on the cheap, from abroad. Meanwhile, Canada's crown corporations are undergoing a Tory-style makeover, Texas is killing its own children (that is, its ideas for testing them) and Seattle May Dayers are on the loose. How much does your Yelp vote count? 

 

— Alleen Brown focuses on education.

Crash Test,” by Nate Blakeslee. Texas Monthly, May 2013.

Followers of the "education reform" movement's twists and turns would be wise to turn their attention to Texas, the state where George W. Bush's brand of ed reform was born, and the state where it is now being dismantled. Nate Blakeslee lays it all out in long piece for the Texas Monthly: from the rise of Bush advisor Sandy Kress and the "Texas Miracle" to today's uprising of Texas parents and Republican politicians' 180 degree turn against testing.

 

— James Cersonsky focuses on labor and education.

Mark Zuckerberg's Self-Serving Immigration Crusade,” by Adrian Chen. Gawker, April 30, 2013.

The same Mark Zuckerberg who screwed over upstartish Ivy League comrades, and who oversees the largest extra-state fiefdom in the world, is now leading the charge to exploit the global techno-proletariat. That's the upshot of his push for streamlined Silicon Valley visas, which, wrought large, promise to make high tech labor much cheaper. Adrian Chen's gloves-off polemic makes this worth a read—but the sliminess of Zuckerberg's new lobbying group, FWD.us, speaks for itself. In one letter to supporters, they write, "We control massive distribution channels, both as companies and individuals. We saw the tip of the iceberg with SOPA/PIPA." Paging the robber barons of an earlier era.

 

— Catherine Defontaine focuses on war, security and peace-related issues, African and French politics, peacekeeping and the link between conflicts and natural resources.

France's Forgotten War,” by Robert Zaretsky. Foreign Policy, April 30, 2013.

Three months after the French government launched a military intervention in Mali, it seems that the French population has all but forgotten about France’s presence in Africa—despite the death of six French soldiers in Mali and the recent attack on the French embassy in Libya. The French are more worried about France’s internal situation—rising unemployment and a stalling economy. Only one quarter of the French population is satisfied with President Hollande, who appears helpless and unable to find solutions, and nearly 90 percent of the French told pollsters that France “needed a true leader to reestablish order.” Meanwhile, though the intervention in Mali has succeeded in dispersing the Islamists, it has failed to achieve a clear victory and put an end to the rebellion. The UN and the local population fear that if French troops leave the country, it will create a political and security vacuum in Mali, destabilizing an already fragile region.

 

— Andrew Epstein focuses on social history, colonialism and indigenous rights.

Wounded Knee Sale Deadline Looms,” by Vincent Schilling. Indian Country Today, April 30, 2013.

In 1890, the US military murdered between 150 and 300 Lakota men, women and children at Wounded Knee, South Dakota, the final massacre in what's euphemistically known as the "Indian Wars." (The government awarded 20 medals of honor for the "battle.") Forty years later, a white trader acquired a 40-acre parcel of land that included the massacre site as part of the government's "allotment" program. Abolishing collective land tenure, the government "granted" individual Indian men their own small plots, which they could now sell to eager and cajoling settlers; the resulting land loss was staggering. In 1968, James Czywczynski acquired the Wounded Knee parcel. Now he's hoping to cash in, putting the plot on sale this week and refusing any offer less than $5 million. “What makes them think that I should give it to them? Everything is given to the Indians anyway,” Czywczynski said.

 

— Luis Feliz focuses on ideas and debates within the left, social movements and culture.

Sam Gindin on the crisis in labor,” by Doug Henwood. LBO News from Doug Henwood, June 18, 2012.

Doug Henwood interviews Sam Gindin on the crisis in labor.

 

— Elana Leopold focuses on the Middle East, its relations with the US and Islam.

The 'S-Word': Egyptian Movement Takes On Islamic Rule,” by Ahmed Ateyya. Al-Monitor, April 27, 2013.

A small youth movement, representing a coalition of across-the-spectrum secular political beliefs, organizes and protests against national identity cards that legally must include religion and, more broadly, a religious state in Egypt.  

 

— Alec Luhn focuses on East European and Eurasian affairs, especially issues of good governance, human rights and activism.

'The Law of Politics' According to Sergei Lavrov,” interview by Susan Glasser. Foreign Policy, May/June 2013.

In this comprehensive interview, Russia's foreign minister explains why his country opposes the United States in everything from delivering arms to the Syrian government to missile defense in Europe to the Magnitsky Act and the tit-for-tat ban on American adoptions from Russia. Although he is a diplomat and carefully toes a dogmatic line, there are moments of candor and detail that provide more insight than your standard obligatory quotes in news stories.

 

— Leticia Miranda focuses on race, gender, telecommunications and media reform.

Tech Poaches Wall Street Talent,” by Jessica Lessin. The Wall Street Journal, May 1, 2013.

Jessica Lessin at The Wall Street Journal unearths another kind of revolving door that is quickly accelerating as tech beats Wall Street at its own game.

 

— Brendan O’Connor focuses on media criticism and pop culture.

Star Wars,” by Tom Vanderbilt. The Wilson Quarterly, Spring 2013.

"A one-star uptick in a Yelp review can lead to a nine percent improvement in revenues for independently owned restaurants." That is an incredible statistic. Vanderbilt considers how those upticks happen (or don't) and why, worrying that as websites like Yelp and Amazon democratize criticism they may also dilute it.

 

— Anna Simonton focuses on issues of systemic oppression perpetuated by the military and prison industrial complexes.

Freedom Is Frustrating,” by Brendan Kiley. The Stranger, April 3, 2013.

During Seattle's May Day rally last year, some protestors smashed some windows. (Surprise!) This is supposedly why a federal grand jury subpoenaed several of my friends to answer questions about specific individuals' political beliefs and social networks. My friends, who were not present at the May Day rally, refused to cooperate. They were charged with civil contempt and incarcerated for several months, including extended periods in solitary confinement. FOIA requests have since revealed that the grand jury actually convened prior to May Day, indicating that social-mapping of activist communities, not finding out who broke some windows, was the real motivation behind the investigation. Now, thankfully, my friends are out of prison, and I recently got to hang out with two of them in DC, where they spoke about their experiences at George Washington University Law School. So I'm thinking about them this week and re-reading the articles Brendan Kiley wrote about them for The Stranger. The Washington Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers recently announced they have chosen Kiley to receive their annual Champion of Justice Award for his coverage of the grand jury resisters.

 

— Cos Tollerson focuses on Latin American politics and society, and United States imperialism.

Cuba Policy: Fruitless, Mean and Cruel,” by Saul Landau And Nelson Valdés. CounterPunch, April 26-28, 2013.

Saul Landau and Nelson Valdés tell the sad story of five Cuban intelligence officers who have spent the last 15 years unnecessarily imprisoned in the United States. In the late 90s, the agents were in Miami to monitor extremist Cuban exile groups and had developed an informal working relationship with the US government, providing the FBI and Justice department with counterterrorism intelligence. But soon the powerful Cuban exile community wielded its political capital in Florida to have the agents arrested.

 

— Sarah Woolf focuses on what’s happening north of the US border.

Harper tightening the reins on CBC, Via Rail and Canada Post,” by Bill Curry and John Ibbitson. The Globe and Mail, May 1, 2013.

Happy May Day! Stephen Harper's Tories are implementing massive changes to crown corporations, including the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC), Canada Post and Via Rail. The proposed changes—detailed at the end of a 111-page budget bill—will allow the government to participate in collective bargaining and to direct negotiations with unionized and non-unionized employees. Says a CBC union rep: "I don’t know how anybody looking at [the new powers] cannot see this as turning the public broadcaster into a state broadcaster."

RISD Students Stage First Fossil Fuel Divestment Sit-In

Eleven students from the Rhode Island School of Design (RISD) are holding a sit-in today in college President John Maeda’s office. The activists are demanding that President Maeda and Board of Trustees Chair Michael Spalter endorse divestment from the coal, gas, and oil industries and commit to presenting the case for divestment to the Board of Trustees at the board’s May 17 meeting.

This sit-in is the first of its kind in the nationwide divestment movement, through which students at more than 300 colleges and universities are demanding that their schools stand against climate change and divest their endowments from fossil fuel companies.

“I want to have kids. I want to show them this planet,” said Phoebe Wahl, a RISD senior. “As artists and designers, we are innovators with the ability to shape our own future. The way that our generation deals with this issue will define the future of civilization.”

The students kicked off their campaign in January, when they began conversations with members of RISD’s board and administration and circulated a petition in support of divestment which was quickly signed by more than a quarter of the undergraduate student body. Despite initially positive conversations, the students met with resistance. In response, RISD students are engaging in peaceful direct action to demonstrate the necessity of fossil fuel divestment and push RISD to become a leader in sustainability. “Our demands could not be more reasonable or more feasible. We want the college immediately to stop making new investments in fossil fuel companies, and then to sell off their holdings over five years,” said Emma Beede, a RISD senior.

“We need to shift our perspective and act. This is the largest human rights issue of our generation,” said John Jennings, a RISD freshman involved in the sit-in. “We believe that the RISD community can be leaders in fighting climate change and building positive solutions. Divestment is a necessary place to start if anything is going to be done about global warming.”

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“To own stock in a company whose business model is to destroy the planet is a bad decision, both morally and financially,” said Erica Pernice, a RISD junior. “We may be art students, but we can do the math.”

The Go Fossil Free campaign was invigorated by 350.org founder Bill McKibben’s July 2012 article in Rolling Stone. The article highlighted world leaders’ consensus that two degrees Celsius is the safe upper limit of global warming and noted that the reserves of multinational fossil fuel companies contain more than five times the carbon needed to reach this limit.

“Bill McKibben is getting an honorary degree from RISD this year, but the college does not plan to invite him to speak and continues to invest in the fossil fuel industry that he is devoting his life to fighting against,” said Noelle Antignano, a RISD sophomore. “As members of the RISD community and as human beings on this planet, we refuse to be silenced.”

In true RISD fashion, the students are using their time in the President’s office to create sustainability themed artwork. They also hung banners and orange flags across campus this morning to raise awareness about climate change and the divestment campaign. A rally held at RISD Beach drew a crowd for music, art making and speeches in solidarity with the sit-in.

Stay tuned.

A student activist in Chile, frustrated with the lack of education reform, has decided to run for national office.

Chilean Students Run For Congress


Giorgio Jackson. Photo by Brittany Peterson.

Giorgio Jackson, 26, was vice president of a chapter of the Chile Student Federation in 2011 when the movement saw regular marches of over 100,000 people take over the streets. Universities and high schools were occupied for months. The demands were clear: students wanted free, quality, public education and an end to profiteering. Jackson participated in regular dialogues with government ministers and congresspeople, and was disappointed with the indifference he found despite his movement’s massive 80 percent public support. “I felt frustrated that no one understood our proposal, or would defend it, or that there wasn’t a single voice to remain firm in defending our alternative,” said Jackson. “We deserve to have a space there.”

In a logical next step for the young negotiator, Jackson has decided to run for a seat in the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of Congress.

Jackson isn’t the only one strategizing a new political era for Chile. Twenty thirteen is a presidential election year, and with the return of former President Michelle Bachelet after nearly three years as the director of UN Women, the debate has heated up as to who is fit to lead the country for the next four-year term.

Twenty-thirteen will also mark the forty-year anniversary of the US-backed military coup that toppled democratically elected Socialist President Salvador Allende and installed army general Augusto Pinochet. After Pinochet was ousted by a national referendum, Chile saw twenty years of democracy under the center-left coalition, called the Concertación. The right-wing Alianza coalition gained power in 2010 with President Sebastián Piñera.

In today’s election debates, no widely supported candidate (not even Bachelet, who is a member of the same party as Allende) has seriously entertained the possibility of a national platform similar to his. That would require drastic changes to the neoliberal economic model installed during the dictatorship that ultimately created a stable economy in Chile. Although far from perfect, Allende’s abandoned “Chilean Path to Socialism” made healthcare and education public, nationalized large industries, implemented rural land reform, and expanded social security to part-time workers, among other significant public initiatives.

The national social movements that have emerged since 2011 demand a revisiting of some of these concepts through reforming privatized resources and services such as water and education in Chile. These movements have proven to wield significant mobilizing power, and have brought the country to a halt, as recently witnessed with the massive worker strikes at Chile’s largest ports and copper mining companies. Many of the individuals involved are deciding whether to back an existing presidential candidate who can be trusted to support their demands. The highly coordinated education movement is at the forefront of this debate.

“The ideal would be a candidate genuinely bound to the agenda of change toward universal rights, participatory democracy, a model of development based on a new, productive, diverse matrix, and who pushes the other candidates to broaden the margins of the topics we are discussing,” said Francisco Figueroa, former vice president of the University of Chile Student Federation and candidate for the Izquierda Autónoma (Autonomous Left), in an interview with The Clinic magazine.

The right-wing Alianza coalition inherently does not support this platform, but Bachelet has announced her desire to do so. “We dedicated to making adjustments and changes to the model. Some were good, others insufficient,” Bachelet said at her candidacy launch on March 27, referring to her previous term. “We have to carry out more profound reforms,” she said, the first of which she promised would be working toward free public education.

Yet Bachelet governed during the 2006 Revolución Pengüina, when high school students in black-and-white school uniforms mobilized for education reform, alleging that Bachelet had not fulfilled promises made to movement leaders. “Just like the other Concertación coalition governments, she was also responsible for deepening the current model we have,” said Eloísa González, spokesperson for the Coordination Assembly of High School Students. “So evidently we can’t trust even the good intention of her speeches.”

Despite criticism of Bachelet, her party and her coalition, some students have decided to support the candidate, who is likely to win the Concertación’s primary election on June 30.

Juan Cristóbal Hoppe, a 20-year-old journalism student at the Pontifical Catholic University of Chile, plans to vote for Bachelet in hopes of recovering the once-further-left Socialist Party. “If the will of the people is to truly begin to criticize what [the government] is doing and how they are doing it, as they have done since 2011, the Concertación will become more left,” Hoppe said in a hopeful tone, while his peers socialized nearby in the university courtyard during lunch hour. “A type of real socialism that Allende brought forth, not the socialism that exists today.”

Fabián Araneda, a Libertarian and the vice president of the University of Chile Student Federation, said he observed good intentions in presidential candidates Marcel Claude (Independent) and Roxana Miranda of the Igualdad Party, but it is unlikely they will receive much support. “There still isn’t enough size and organization among the people to back a candidate outside of the two large coalitions,” said Araneda. A law passed in 2012 to make voting optional may present a challenge this year to encouraging young, disillusioned citizens to vote, many of whom may have leaned toward independent or alternative party candidates.

Hoppe said most of his classmates have already decided they will turn out to vote, but will vote null for a presidential candidate. Despite his plans to support Bachelet, Hoppe practices his political ideas through involvement in neighborhood assemblies and a student organization, CRECER, that works closely with labor unions. His hope is to “create a common sense within the left that is different from what the Concertación has today.”

The Embers of a New Left

Another hopeful mini-trend are the several former leaders of the 2011 and 2012 student movement capitalizing on their high approval ratings and the current national discontent to run for Congress. Giorgio Jackson is running for the Chamber of Deputies this year as an independent, although he may run within the Concertación coalition. Additionally, he is supported by the political movement (likely to become a political party) that he helped create to promote a simple and participatory democracy. The Revolución Democrática (Democratic Revolution, or RD) movement focuses on creating a democracy where “rights are guaranteed by society, by the State, while at the same time, maintaining a sustainable development model,” said Jackson.

While the movement’s platform is heavily inspired by left political thought, the word “left” doesn’t appear on its website or, seemingly, in any of its public discourse.

“Today’s Chileans are tired of defining themselves, because they are depoliticized, unfortunately.” Jackson said. “They don’t like to say ‘I’m with the left’ or ‘I’m with the right.” Although Jackson personally defines his political beliefs as left, he doesn’t bring it up unless he is asked.

This new political movement is trying to build itself by presenting ideas that people identify with, and allowing them to define themselves as they see fit. The use of inclusive language allows for a spectrum of citizens who feel unrepresented by current political parties to identify with the RD, from young people who don’t identify with the traditional left parties formed in the twentieth century, to Concertación supporters who feel their politicians have abandoned their parties’ core values.

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“We want to form a new majority,” said Jackson. “And that implies having the disposition to work with groups that may think differently, but their central ideas are about seeing transformation and advancements.”

A fairly new political collective, the Izquierda Autónoma (Autonomous Left), was initially formed in 2005, and now includes numerous former and current student movement leaders. Though the collective is more outspoken about its left ideology than the RD, both play significant roles in what is becoming Chile’s “new left” and challenging the binomial system, Chile’s controversial voting process that was created under Pinochet to foster political stability between the Concertación and Alianza political coalitions, but makes it nearly impossible for candidates unassociated with those coalitions to get elected.

Among them, Figueroa intends to run for deputy, and Gabriel Boric, 2012 president of the University of Chile Student Federation, will possibly join him. Both would run as independent candidates, since their collectives are not yet official parties. “For the first time, if we all work together and focus our strength in a few areas, the binominal system can be defeated, or threatened,” he said.

Hoppe is concerned that creating a “new left” means abandoning the ideology of the Socialist Party, and could possibly push the Concertación even more toward the center, causing it to grow as its ideas become more appealing to the right. But Hoppe believes this could be avoided if these newer political movements are able to push the traditional center-left coalition to recover and reclaim some of its parties’ original values. “Not act separately, nor attack them, but rather be critical of the [Concertación] so it becomes more left,” said Hoppe.

Boric thinks this would be a lost cause. “I believe that strategy is incorrect and the idea of making the Concertación ‘more left’ has already proved a failure on multiple occasions and there is no premise that would cause us to think otherwise,” he said.

On the other end of the spectrum, González, the spokesperson for the Coordination Assembly of High School Students, expressed serious doubts that even former student leaders will have any influence as voices for change inside Congress. Their candidacy is symbolic, she said, and “it won’t constitute anything truly effective and concrete for the social and student movements.” González is among many students who are disappointed that the former student movement leaders are beginning political careers instead of continuing as movement leaders. Hoppe agrees with this assessment as well. “I would have loved that instead of running for parliament, Giorgio Jackson would have run [a local] citizen assembly,” he said, explaining that politics are made from working with the people, not from working in Congress.

This may not be the year in which newer social and political movements achieve the organization and consensus required to support a single presidential candidate. Yet despite their differences, it is clear that they are committed to working for change and understand that it is a long process. Araneda pointed out that the last time social movements in Chile organized to support a candidate “of the people,” they elected Allende who was overthrown three years later. “So we need to evaluate strategy a bit,” he said.

For more student activism, read the latest Dispatches from the US Student Movement, featuring sit-ins, walkouts and civil disobedience.

Interns' Favorite Articles of the Week (4/28/13)

This week: Gender segmentation still prevails in the workplace, the greenery of West Virginia hides the scars of strip mining and Canada's border service holds off on capturing terror suspects until new terrorism legislation is up for debate. Speaking of terrorists, Americans are as likely to be killed by them as by their own furniture.

 

— Alleen Brown focuses on education.

Corporate Reform Puts Democratic Party Leaders in a Bind,” by Anthony Cody. Education Week, April 17, 2013.

Democratic and Republican Party support for "corporate education reform" is showing sings of decay. California's state Democratic Party passed a resolution last week decrying the "Corporate 'Reform' Agenda." Meanwhile, the Republican National Committee passed its own resolution against the federally supported curriculum initiative Common Core. Blogger Anthony Cody describes Democrats in a bind: union and Democratic leaders continue to support corporate reform.

 

— James Cersonsky focuses on labor and education.

Overworking Women: How Long Hours Lead to Gender-Segregated Jobs,” by Sarah Jaffe. In These Times, April 24, 2013.

Why all the blathering on workplace equality, conservatives ask, when the newish economy has meant more jobs for women than under high-Fordism, and an attendant breakdown in gender segmentation? "We'd like to think this ideal is changing," Sarah Jaffe writes, but really, it's not. Jaffe unpacks new research showing that workplace standards, coupled with gender norms, still tend to push women into certain, often crappier-paid, jobs. When women are primary caretakers, for example, especially single mothers, how can they afford to work jobs demanding longer hours (and, in many cases, higher pay)? That's one of many issues, Jaffe suggests, that should inform policy-making.

 

— Catherine Defontaine focuses on war, security and peace-related issues, African and French politics, peacekeeping and the link between conflicts and natural resources.

Amid Much Tumult, France Approves ‘Marriage for All,’” by Scott Sayare. The New York Times, April 24, 2013.

After months of demonstrations and heated debates at the French National Assembly, France has adopted the “Marriage for All” bill, becoming the world’s 14th nation to approve same-sex marriage. If the Constitutional Council approves the legislation and French President François Hollande signs it into law, the first same-sex marriages will be celebrated this summer. However, this highly contentious issue continues to divide French society as opponents to the law are organizing huge rallies in the country to protest the new legislation, while several attacks against gay couples have been reported.

 

— Andrew Epstein focuses on social history, colonialism and indigenous rights.

Trinity Church Split on How to Manage $2 Billion Legacy of a Queen,” by Sharon Otterman. The New York Times, April 25, 2013.

Lurking behind this illuminating article on Trinity Church, Manhattan's largest private landowner with assets of more than $2 billion, is a dark history of settler colonialism, rapacious capitalism and white supremacy. In the 1690s, the church forbade the burying of African Americans in its churchyard, who were pushed to the outskirts of "Collect Pond," what's now the City Hall area. (A struggle in the 1990s led to a proper memorial.) In 1705, Queen Anne bequeathed the church a massive tract of what remained unceded Lenape territory ($24 myths not withstanding) in what came to be known as the Great Trinity Land Grab. By 1857, the church had more than $600,000 worth of mortgages on smaller churches. By the early 1990s, these rent rolls amounted to $40-50 million per year. Think of them as an ecclesiastical Donald Trump.

 

— Luis Feliz focuses on ideas and debates within the left, social movements and culture.

Americans Are as Likely to Be Killed by Their Own Furniture as by Terrorism,” by Micah Zenko. The Atlantic, June 6, 2012.

Let’s put things in perspective: “The number of US citizens who died in terrorist attacks increased by two between 2010 and 2011; overall, a comparable number of Americans are crushed to death by their televisions or furniture each year.” Now consider the terror of capitalism.

 

— Elana Leopold focuses on the Middle East, its relations with the US and Islam.

Women of the Wall, the Sharansky Plan, and the Continuing Struggle for Women’s Equality in Jerusalem,” by Abby Caplin. Tikkun Daily, April 17, 2013.

Centered around the struggle of the Women of the Wall, a group supporting equal access to worship at the Western Wall, and a recently unveiled plan to create a more inclusive space for Wall visitors, many of the complexities highlighted in Caplin's article—government financial support for the ultra-Orthodox, civil rights repression and the many parties who must be consulted in all decision making processes—are equally manifest in the host of issues Israel faces, including Palestine.

 

— Alec Luhn focuses on East European and Eurasian affairs, especially issues of good governance, human rights and activism.

What Dzokhar Tsarnaev and Bradley Manning Have in Common,” by Alyssa Rohricht. CounterPunch, April 24, 2013.

Dzokhar Tsarnaev is accused of setting off blasts that killed three and injured at least 141 others, whereas WikiLeaker Bradley Manning released documents that exposed torture and civilian casualties perpetrated by the military. Tsarnaev will likely receive a trial by jury, and rightly so (The Nation's Ari Melber recently broke down the dubious legality for naming him an "enemy combatant"). Manning, on the other hand, having spent over three years in confinement, awaits a July court date in front of a military judge that could send him to prison for life. Rohricht makes a strong case here that justice is being compromised to silence Manning, and I would only add that even some government and military officials have begrudgingly admitted that Manning's leaks did not harm American national security.

 

— Leticia Miranda focuses on race, gender, telecommunications and media reform.

Data Barns in a Farm Town, Gobbling Power and Flexing Muscle,” by James Glanz. The New York Times, September 24, 2012.

This is the second in a two-part series about the environmental impact of large data centers. I chose this article because it gives context to Facebook's recent effort to establish a new $1.5 billion data center in Altoona, Iowa. It seems to be another instance in which rural communities are stripped of their resources and left to deal with the consequences.

 

— Brendan O’Connor focuses on media criticism and pop culture.

Out in the Great Alone,” by Brian Phillips. Grantland, April 24, 2013.

The bells and whistles might not be for everyone, but there's no denying that this is a kind of storytelling that takes advantage of qualities unique to its medium. Not much point looking for a "print" button, though.

 

— Anna Simonton focuses on issues of systemic oppression perpetuated by the military and prison industrial complexes.

Fog Count,” by Leslie Jamison. Oxford American, April 1, 2013.

One of my favorite passages in “Fog Count” describes the deceptively beautiful drive into West Virginia as Potemkin forests hiding a moonscape of strip-mined land. Rich imagery abounds in this essay about the hidden scars of prisons and mines, and the privilege of being an outsider asking questions in a world that isn't yours.

 

— Cos Tollerson focuses on Latin American politics and society, and United States imperialism.

Brazil's green flagbearer Marina Silva ready to get back in the race,” by Jonathan Watts. The Guardian, April 22, 2013.

An engaging but slightly disheartening profile of Brazil's most prominent environmentally-minded politician, Marina Silva. Her alienation from Lula and Dilma's Working Party is a testament to the government's refusal to address environmental degradation and climate change. However, her achievement of 20 million votes in Brazil's most recent presidential election combined with her ongoing influence in the national discourse show that there is a large constituency for conservationist policies in the country.

 

— Sarah Woolf focuses on what’s happening north of the US border.

Government denies link between RCMP arrests and House terrorism debate,” by John Geddes. Maclean’s, April 22, 2013.

The timeline looks like this: On Friday, April 19, the Conservative government announces it is fast-tracking debate on Bill S-7, the controversial "Combatting Terrorism Act," for Monday. Come Monday, April 22, a joint operation of the RCMP, CSIS and the Canadian Border Services Agency (with assistance from the FBI) arrests two men in connection with an alleged terror plot, thought to be backed by al-Qaeda in Iran. Perhaps the strangest part about this timing? Police had originally planned to arrest the suspects three weeks ago.

Ohio and Macalester Sit-In, Chicago and Wittenberg Walk Out


University of Michigan students protest tuition inequality. (Credit: Michigan Daily)

E-mail questions, tips or proposals to studentmovement@thenation.com. For earlier dispatches, check out posts from January 18, February 1, February 15, March 1, March 15, April 2 and April 15.

1. Ohio Board of Trustees Disrupts Peaceful Student Gathering
Last year, the Ohio University Board of Trustees voted to increase tuition while shelling out half a million dollars in raises and bonuses to administrators and continuing to pay athletic coaches up to nearly $500,000. Since then, the Ohio University Student Union has worked to build student power on campus through demonstrations, teach-ins and educational and awareness-building events. On April 16, 200 students clashed with police in protest against the tuition hike. Three days later, fifteen students engaged in spirited civil disobedience to disrupt the Board of Trustees meeting, and four were arrested. We are demanding that all administrator and athletic coach salaries over $100,000 be frozen until our tuition is frozen. On April 25, 200 students demonstrated to reiterate these demands.
—Ohio University Student Union

2. Hundreds of Chicago Students Boycott State Exam
On April 24, high school students across Chicago mobilized against the educational injustices faced by the city’s youth. The Chicago Students Organizing to Save Our Schools facilitated a citywide boycott of the state exam, the PSAE, which is used to evaluate schools, and simultaneously protested the fifty-four school closures in low-income, black and Latino communities. A press conference was held outside CPS headquarters where hundreds of students chanted and held signs—asserting that standardized tests and school closures deteriorate education. A second demonstration was held in front of Benjamin Banneker Elementary School, one of the fifty-four schools on the hit list. Parents, alumni and students spoke at the event, which ended with a human chain and a poem by Malcolm London. The CSOSOS anticipates larger demonstrations in May and aims to establish itself next fall as a city-wide Chicago Student Union.
—Israel Munoz

3. Undaunted by Arrests, Michiganders Demand Tuition Equality
On April 17, the Coalition for Tuition Equality stood in solidarity with One Michigan and the 29,000 undocumented youth in the state of Michigan. We mobilized and participated in an action of civil disobedience which led to the arrest of eight students. As University of Michigan students, we stand against our current residency policy, which systematically discriminates against undocumented Michiganders by denying their right to in-state tuition. The goal is to ensure that Michigan’s 29,000 undocumented students command equal access to a university education.
—The Coalition for Tuition Equality

4. After 45 Years, Black Students at Wittenberg Keep Rallying for Diversity
Concerned Black Students was founded to provide a stable support system for black students at Wittenberg University, a predominately white school. To date, there are only 112 African-American students among a student body of 1,750. In 1968, thirty-eight of the school’s forty-five black students set a precedent for action. On April 24, CBS held its forty-fifth annual walkout around a set of demands relating to the lack of campus diversity—including bolstering the multicultural affairs office and recruiting more students of color. Sadly, the ten demands from 2013 demands are similar to the original thirteen from 1968. Nonetheless, the primary goal of the movement has been to promote campus and community awareness around issues and concerns of diversity and inclusion, a goal we will continue to pursue.
—Karlos Marshall

5. National Collective Launches Campaign to Educate Students on Title IX
As recent headlines from UNC to Swarthmore to Occidental have demonstrated, US colleges are disregarding their responsibilities under Title IX, including federal requirements to combat sexual violence and accommodate survivors’ needs. Such abuses have been rampant on campuses since coeducation, but students are finally pushing back as they learn their rights. That’s why we’re working with an online collective of young activists across the country to build Know Your IX, an educational campaign to make sure that, by the start of the Fall 2013 semester, every student knows what he or she is guaranteed under Title IX. The campaign will rely on a robust website, an aggressive social media campaign to disseminate the information virally and full-page educational ads placed in campus newspapers the first week of school. Right now we’re crowdsourcing funds to support our efforts, and will launch Know Your IX in full over the summer.
—Dana Bolger and Alexandra Brodsky

6. In Newark, Students Face Retaliation for Walking Out
On April 9, the Newark Student Union organized a mass, district-wide walkout in which students voiced their grievances at the New Jersey Assembly Budget Committee’s hearing on the state education budget. The budget would take $1.4 billion from students across New Jersey, with $56 million dollars from Newark itself. The deeper travesty is that students were either intimidated from walking out or given direct disciplinary action for doing so. Alongside sixty other students, Angel Plaza, student union ally and student representative for the Newark Board of Education, was suspended for three days as a result of walking out—and giving testimony before the budget committee. Moving forward, we as students won’t let this blatant display of force deter us from our simple goal of rejecting Governor Christie’s cuts and ensuring a good education.
—Newark Student Union

7. At Macalester, Sit-In Keeps Wells Fargo on Hold
Last year, working in solidarity with Occupy Homes MN and Minnesotans for a Fair Economy, students at Macalester College launched a campaign demanding the school cut its ties with Wells Fargo, the bank responsible for the most foreclosures and worst predatory lending practices in Minnesota. Currently, Macalester runs its purchasing card system through Wells Fargo. Students and administrators have been meeting for months to explore feasible banking alternatives, and have identified a community bank that reflects Macalester’s values and can handle the school’s business. On April 22, the Macalester administration ended a months-long process by deciding not to cut the school’s contract with Wells Fargo. But after two days of sitting in, protesting and blocking administrators from entering the main administrative building on campus, a meeting with college President Brian Rosenberg was negotiated on terms set by the protesting students. On the table at the meeting, scheduled for April 26, is the renewed possibility of terminating the contract.
—Macalester Kick Wells Fargo Off Campus

8. On the Brink of Striking, Illinois Grads Settle Their Contract
The Graduate Employee Organization at the University of Illinois at Chicago has held multiple rallies and letter-writing campaigns, ultimately calling a strike authorization vote to demand a fair contract. After a year of negotiations, thanks to the sustained efforts of its membership, the GEO has reached a tentative agreement with the university. The organization has been requesting that the university pay its graduate students a living wage, reduce additional fees and provide affordable access to healthcare. While wages remain low, tuition and student fees continue to rise—which means students take on an increasingly large debt load. This undermines the University’s stated commitment to social justice. The GEO will continue to fight for a living wage for its members and lower fees and tuition for all UIC students.
—Davis Brecheisen

9. “School Safety” at the Cost of Education?
Los Angeles is known for school and public safety practices—like zero tolerance codes, school police, metal detectors and random searches—that lead students to drop out or be pushed out of school. In South and East LA, less than half the students graduate. What we need is to bring in peace builders, or people from the neighborhood who can resolve conflicts and build relationships with students; counseling and mental health services for young people in school as well as those transitioning from juvenile halls and probation camps; and transformative justice practices, where those affected by a conflict are quickly separated and later brought into a circle to talk about the real issues that caused the incident. As a young person of color, organizing for me is a very difficult task. Not only am I a target for police harassment, but my family also runs the risk of being deported back to Mexico because of their immigration status. Still, I’m working with the Youth Justice Coalition to push for transformative practices and peacebuilders in schools, because young people’s lives are at stake in school safety—including my own.
—Leslie Mendoza

10. Immigration Reform for All Orientations?
GetEQUAL is a national LGBT organization fighting for full equality under the law. This includes “the pursuit of happiness” by LGBT immigrants, people like me who came to this country seeking a better life and instead found oppression and fear. We have been organizing actions all over the country demanding the full inclusion and protection of LGBT immigrants in comprehensive immigration reform. For us, full inclusion of LGBT immigrants in the bill means a direct pathway to citizenship for an estimated 267,000 undocumented LGBT immigrants, protections for 40,000 same-sex binational couples living in fear of deportation and separation, the end of the one-year filing bar for asylum seekers and of harsh enforcement that has expedited deportations. Over the next ten months, we will push the Senate Judiciary Committee to improve the current bill, and we will continue organizing a grassroots movement of LGBT people to fight for full inclusion in immigration reform.
—Felipe Sousa-Rodriguez

California, CUNY and MOOCs

In March, a bill was introduced in the California State Senate that, if passed, could radically redefine the role of online learning in American higher education. The proposed legislation, SB 520, would require state colleges and universities to grant credit to students who, unable to register for core classes at their home universities due to “bottleneck” conditions at the entry level, opt to register for massive open online courses (MOOCs) instead.

The bill is packaged by its champions as a necessary measure designed to defend the best interests of a student body under siege. “We want to be the first state in the nation to make this promise,” said Darrell Steinberg, the State Senate president. “No college student in California will be denied the right to move through their education because they couldn’t get a seat in the course they needed.” Detractors, however, attack it as a top-down effort to allow private companies to profit from public institutions of higher learning—what some have labeled the University of Phoenixization of the U Cal system.

Whatever the outcome, this bill has direct implications for the City University of New York (CUNY) as well as other public universities nationwide. The debate in California arrives during a period in which CUNY’s public system has come under great strain from rolling budget cuts, privatization measures and major battles between administrators and faculty over curricular decision-making and control. The potential embrace of MOOCs could well contribute to further contention.

MOOCs are the latest craze in higher education’s push to reinvent itself. Offered by venture capital start-ups, these online courses generally feature a single teacher who lectures remotely in front of a video camera to hundreds, if not thousands, of students. Up until recently, these courses were offered free to those with an internet connection. Increasingly, however, colleges and universities—facing increasing enrollments and uncertain fiscal futures—are considering developing credit-bearing MOOCs, offered for a fee by private companies.

MOOCs have received considerable attention in the past year, including an endorsement from Thomas Friedman in The New York Times. “Nothing has more potential to lift more people out of poverty…Nothing has more potential to unlock a billion more brains to solve the world’s biggest problems. And nothing has more potential to enable us to reimagine higher education than the massive open online course, or MOOC, platforms that are being developed by the likes of Stanford and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and companies like Coursera and Udacity,” Friedman enthused.

Critics of MOOCs movement aren’t so sure. Richard Wolff, economist and Professor Emeritus at University of Massachusetts, Amherst, denounced Friedman’s championing of online mega-classes, noting that his columns constitute “another exercise in (1) finding a potential positive dimension of capital’s latest profit-driven move, (2) hyping it and (3) ignoring its contradictions, especially those that are negative.”

In The Chronicle, Rebecca Schuman pilloried Friedman’s MOOCopia as representing “nothing less than the creation of an über-oligarchy that is even more exclusive than the current state of academe—which is already elitist enough, thank you very much.” And memorably, in a first-person account of her experiences as a student in one of these courses, university dean at CUNY’s Macaulay Honors College, Ann Kirschner, reported her realization that “In a MOOC, nobody can hear you scream.”

CUNY has hardly been immune to MOOC mania. At the end of January, Chancellor Matthew Goldstein delivered a speech castigating universities for being stuck in their ways. The chancellor noted that “Nowhere is the notion of challenge to the established norms of instruction more apparent than in the explosion of attention to MOOCs and other alternative delivery models. [These] new models of delivery have the potential to change traditional instruction, financing, facilities and assessment models.”

Goldstein predicted that “Eventually, an institution may determine the curricula, governance and pricing to offer an entire degree through the existing menu of MOOCs. Students will pick and choose among professors from Stanford, MIT, Penn and universities across the globe…. But we are in the infancy of these developments, and more empirical research will be needed before we can answer basic questions about whether demand will result in a tectonic shift in the way we deliver content.” Goldstein’s enthusiasm for MOOCs fits squarely within his broader market-based understanding of education, and that’s why the California bill is so important to the future of CUNY.

The structure of SB 520 practically guarantees a cycle of demand and supply. Underfunding has rendered California colleges unable to meet student demand, the argument goes, which can be met by MOOCs. As MOOCs attract more and more students with their theoretically unlimited capacity, pressures to preserve education funding for regular classes might diminish, which at the very least will sustain consistent demand for more MOOCs.

The University of California Academic Senate issued a strong statement rejecting the proposed legislation. In an open letter, senate leaders wrote:

“Limits on student access to the courses this bill targets are in large part the result of significant reductions in public state higher education funding, especially over the last six years. Second, the clear self-interest of for-profit corporations in promoting the privatization of public higher education through this legislation is dismaying… Lastly, the faculty at the University of California…approves courses taught for credit at the University and reviews courses offered for transfer credit…There is no possibility that UC faculty will shirk its responsibility to our students by ceding authority over courses to any outside agency.”

In anticipation of the likely embrace of MOOC’s by CUNY administrators, faculties across CUNY should consider issuing a statement rejecting any possibility that MOOC’s will ever be welcome at the City University.

If the California State Senate bill is passed into law, precedent will be set for state university systems across the country. The CUNY chancellor and board of trustees will likely use such an outcome as a point of departure in advancing their vision of a university run on a model of corporate supply and demand. The best way to resist these pressures is to advance alternative visions for the future of our university—visions that include proper funding, freedom from private interests and meaningful community control.
 

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