Yesterday Chris Hayes sat down with Representative Carolyn Maloney (D-NY), Economics and Law Professor William Black, Alexis Goldstein of Occupy the SEC, Kai Wright of Colorlines and Linguistics Professor John McWhorter to discuss the JOBS Act, which would ease regulations for small businesses and entrepreneurs. While Black argues that the JOBS Act will encourage fraud, Maloney says Congress can always change the law if that happens.
—Erin Schikowski
Last weekend Chris Hayes returned to Mike Daisey's controversial account of working conditions in Apple plants in China. At its best, said Hayes, Daisey's work forced us into a posture of empathy, prompting the question: What is our moral responsibility to those at the other end of the supply chain? "It's actually this reason that I find the distortions in Daisey's work maddening," said Hayes. "It undercuts his own empathic project."
—Erin Schikowski
Yesterday morning on Up with Chris Hayes, Anne-Marie Slaughter, professor of politics and international affairs at Princeton University; Zainab Salbi, founder of Women for Women International; Elise Jordan, former speechwriter for Condoleezza Rice; and Jeremy Scahill discuss what “you should know” for the week ahead. Among the issues on the table are Hamas’s recent shift in support of the Syrian people, cynicism toward the United States in the Middle East, the trial of US nonprofit workers in Egypt and the Somali prime minister’s oil concessions.
—Erin Schikowski
Can we separate drug problems from prohibition problems? How has the war on drugs changed policing? And what does prohibition cost? Kai Wright, editorial director of Colorlines.com, Maria Hinojosa, co-anchor of "Need to Know," Reihan Salam of National Review and former Baltimore police officer Peter Moskos discuss these questions and more on Saturday's episode of Up with Chris Hayes.
—Erin Schikowski
Last weekend on Up with Chris Hayes, Hayes suggested that the popular narrative surrounding the president’s birth control compromise was wrong. What was missing from the story, he said, “was a simple but rarely articulated truth that liberals aren’t losing the culture war—we’re winning it.” Hayes explains why, citing Indiana Governor Mitch Daniels and Goldman Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein, in this segment.
—Erin Schikowski
On Up With Chris Hayes this Saturday, Chris Hayes argued that the FEC’s 2011 filings prove what we always expected to be true: “that the new Super Pacs exist chiefly as an instrument for the extremely wealthy to funnel massive amounts of cash into influencing the outcome of our elections.” In this hour, he also considers consumers’ responses to working conditions at Apple’s supplier factories and a retired NYPD officer’s views on the country’s drug war.
—Erin Schikowski
When Sheldon Adelson first donated $5 million to a pro-Newt Gingrich Super PAC, he enabled the candidate to compete effectively with Mitt Romney. After learning this week that Adelson’s wife has donated another $5 million, Chris Hayes observed that Newt Gingrich will have a “direct and personal debt” to the billionaire, should he be elected president. In this episode of Up with Chris Hayes, he asks: Who is Sheldon Adelson, anyway?
In the same episode, Nation editor Richard Kim, Representative Carolyn Maloney (D-NY), Demos’s Heather McGee, Manhattan Institute fellow and National Review Online contributor Josh Barro and Pulitzer Prize–winning reporter David Cay Johnson address the ongoing tax policy debate and Mitt Romney’s tax returns.
—Erin Schikowski
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Dr. Don Berwick is an admired pediatrician and Harvard professor, and was recently haled by Health Affairs as “one of the nation’s leading champions of high quality, patient-centered care”—but that didn’t stop forty-two House Republicans from forcing him to resign from his government post, on the grounds that he was “socialist.” In a recent conversation with Nation editor at large Chris Hayes, Dr. Berwick discusses exactly why conservatives were so opposed to him running Medicare and Medicaid. You can watch more interviews on Up With Chris Hayes here.
—Teresa Cotsirilos
I originally wrote the following to Joan Walsh in response to her recent piece at Salon. But after sending it I realized that by e-mailing her privately, I was conspiring to impose a liberal agenda on a fellow journalist! So, I figured in the spirit of openness I'd just publish it here. I feel like the entire explosion of words devoted to JournoList has a sort of fiddling-while-Rome-burns feel to it, but I guess I'm not going to escape playing a few bars myself.
Hey, Joan:
For the record: I like you, too! And thought your piece on the shame of right-wing journalism was astute and suitably outraged. But I also felt like your characterization of me and my views was sloppy and unfair. If there's a God of Journalism, I'm sure she is looking very unkindly on me even taking the time to write this (the world needs exactly zero more minutes of mental energy expended on JournoList but because I respect you and take your writing seriously, I felt I had to respond.
First, a factual correction: You write "And while I don't think anyone on the JournoList directly took Hayes' or Ackerman's suggestion that they call people who raised the Wright issue 'racist' ..."
That apostrophe at the end of my name creates a claim that I suggested people accuse those who raise the Wright issue of being racist. I didn't. Not in the thread or anywhere else, so far as I can tell. It's not really my style. If I had, I'd be happy to be whacked for it. But I didn't. That sentence is just factually wrong.
I'm not quite sure what in my emails makes me a "combative Obama zealot," nor do I think I engaged in "Obama worship" but, OK, fair enough: I wanted Obama to win, and I wrote as much. If you think my devotion to him was particularly slavish, then there's little I can do to disabuse you of that sentiment. (I'll note that I more or less entirely avoided, in my public writing, food fights with Hillary Clinton supporters, or even going after Clinton.)
What rankles though is your use of the adjective "feverish." You write: "In fact, if you read the story, you'll see that several people are quoted strongly disagreeing with the feverish suggestions of Hayes and Ackerman..." Once again I find myself yoked to Ackerman. He's a friend, and a reporter I greatly admire. But we do actually have different stated opinions. In terms of what I wrote, I'm not quite sure what qualifies as "feverish." My (admittedly purple) riff on the consequences of the American empire? Maybe it was rhetorically indulgent, but every single thing I said was true. We do disappear people. We do torture people. And the combined civilian casualites from the US-led sanction regime combined with the US war is up near a million. The only "suggestion" I made is that people chose to write about things other than Jeremiah Wright. Does that really count as "feverish"?
Finally, there's the part that is mostly just confusing. You contrast my argument for why Wright wasn't important,with the fact that now I'm criticizing Obama from the left! But the two have nothing to do with each other. I've been dragged into an argument you want to make about Obamaphiles blinding themselves to his true nature. I get that: you're saying, "I told you so." But my defense of Wright doesn't have any real ideological valence, or relevance to progressive disappointment with Obama. The issues are orthogonal. To the extent they're related, they actually confound your analysis. The argument that Wright was deserving of so much attention was grounded in the notion that it was revealing of Obama's judgment, perhaps even his politics. Among the right and some supporters of Clinton, Wright was seen as the Rosetta Stone that translated Obama's language of national uplift into its radical original tongue. In other words it was the people focusing on Wright who were making the implicit claim that Obama was really some kind of crypto lefty. Not me. I was making the claim that it just didn't really matter one way or the other.
Now, say what you want about Barack Obama, but in temperament, word and deed he has been in every conceivable way, the opposite of Reverend Wright. My argument was that Wright's views and Obama's relationship to him simply weren't at all predictive of how Obama would govern or fundamentally revealing about the kind of president he would make. That view has been entirely vindicated, right?
-c
Nation DC Editor Chris Hayes guest-hosts the Rachel Maddow Show Tuesday and reports on the recent BP oil spill which has left those in charge—BP, Transocean and Halliburton—employing the Shaggy Defense. What is the Shaggy defense? In a 2000 hit song, “It Wasn’t Me,” from singer Shaggy, a man finds himself caught red handed in an affair. Yet with each interrogation, he responds with an excuse and a catchy refrain: “It wasn’t me.”
Likewise, the recent Gulf of Mexico oil spill has those in charge using the Shaggy Defense non-stop. In a circular blame game, BP pinned the blame on Transocean, Transocean returned the blame to BP. Transocean added that the blame also falls on Halliburton—the company responsible for the cement job on the oil well.
Democratic Senator Robert Menendez of New Jersey joins Hayes to discuss his new bill that would ensure that those responsible for the spill will be liable for all damages. Currently, BP’s liability stands at $75 million, which he believes is about $9 billion short. “When commercial fishermen are harmed, when shrimp fishermen are harmed, when seafood processing plants are harmed, when those coastal communities lose tourism and on and on and on, their liability is $75 million,” says Menendez. “That's ridiculous. So, we want to raise that to $10 billion.”
—Clarissa León



