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Chloe Angyal | The Nation

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Chloe Angyal

Chloe Angyal

Politics, pop culture, and the politics of pop culture.

A Pill for Equal Abortion Access


Stigmatization of abortion, along with factors such as high cost, complicates the process of having an abortion. (Courtesy of Flickr, CC 2.0.)  

The Australian government announced today that it will most likely add RU-486, the abortion pill, to the list of drugs that are heavily subsidized under the country’s universal healthcare system.

The Pharmaceutical Benefits Advisory Committee, which was charged with reviewing the inclusion of the drug to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme, advised the health minister to move ahead, which she said she would do after ensuring that Australia has “a steady, good-quality supply of the drug” and “that there is a cost-effective price of the drug.”

In the United States, RU-486, which also goes by the name mifepristone or misoprostol, is used for abortions until the nine-week mark, after which a surgical abortion is required (RU-486 should not be confused with emergency contraception, also known as “the morning-after pill,” which is not an abortifacient). In Australia, medical abortion is legal in all states, but that’s a recent development: The pill was effectively banned until 2006. Now that it’s legal, it is still prohibitively expensive for many patients, costing anywhere between $300 and $800.

If it makes the Benefits Scheme list, that figure will fall vertiginously, to between $12 and $36.

Meanwhile, in the United States, antichoice lawmakers continue to chip away at abortion access. While it’s technhically still legal to get an abortion, in many places it is all but impossible. The clinic is far away. The procedure isn’t covered by Medicaid or your private health insurer. You can’t afford to take off from work the time required to attend the mandatory pre-abortion “counseling” session, where the doctor gives you a medically unnecessary transvaginal ultrasound and reads a state-mandated script about the unique life you are ending, and wait out the legally required waiting period between that session and the actual procedure. There’s a crowd of screaming protestors outside the clinic, holding up posters of bloody full-term fetuses and calling you a murderer. You’re a teenager who isn’t able to secure parental consent, and a judge won’t grant you an exception. Legal, yes. But not accessible, unless you’re one of the lucky ones.

The abortion pill answers a lot of those concerns, and is especially valuable to patients living in isolated areas, where the nearest clinic or hospital is hundreds of miles away. It can take longer than a surgical procedure, and there is a recovery period, but it is far less invasive for the patient and does not require the services of a surgeon or even an OB/GYN: A GP can prescribe it.

The question, of course, is whether a patient can afford to fill that prescription. In the United States, the pill currently costs about as much as it does in Australia, and here as in Australia, that’s simply too much for many patients.

And far from making it more readily available, American lawmakers are hard at work restricting access to medical abortion. Last year in Michigan, Republican Governor Rick Snyder passed a healthcare law that bans the prescription of the pill through telemedicine, making it even harder for patients in isolated areas of the state to obtain abortions. Seven other states, including ones with relatively few population centers—South Dakota and Oklahoma, for example—have passed similar laws.

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It should be noted that Australia is hardly a bastion of reproductive freedom. Technically, abortion is still a crime for women and doctors in the state of New South Wales and the state of Queensland, though the exceptions—physical and mental health of the mother—are loosely defined and widely invoked, and prosecution is incredibly rare. In all other states except the Northern Territory, it is legal until at least 20 weeks. In the NT, it’s legal only until fourteen weeks, except in the case of a medical emergency. In isolated regions, of which Australia has many, access is patchy. And, as I noted last year, the American penchant for “personhood” politics has made its way to Australia, albeit only to the most culturally conservative regions of the country—so far.

Addtionally, though Health Minister Tanya Plibersek has said that she will not rush the process of adding RU-486 to the list of subsidized drugs, there’s a strong case for doing it sooner rather than later. Australia is due for an election by the end of 2013, and it’s unlikely that Plibersek will be health minister for much longer. The next presumptive prime minister, Tony Abbott, is a social conservative who opposes abortion rights. When he himself was health minister, in 2005, Abbott opposed the legalization of the drug, and he has a history of antichoice statements that don’t inspire confidence in his current insistence that, this time around on RU-486, he’ll “accept the advice of technical experts.”

As for the US, the advice of technical experts has been repeatedly ignored, not just when it comes to the abortion pill but in the case of the morning after pill as well. In 2011, the Obama administration’s Department of Health and Human Services overrode the advice that generic emergency contraception should be available over the counter to patients of any age, requiring those under 17 to obtain a prescription. Earlier this month, a federal court overturned that decision, calling it “plainly political.”

In America, the abortion pill could serve to democratize reproductive healthcare, making it easier for doctors to provide and easier for patients to obtain. An Australian-style subsidy of the drug, while highly unlikely here in the US, would make abortion care more accessible for low-income patients and for patients living in isolated and rural areas, or in areas where surgical abortion providers don’t dare to practice.

In the case of abortion access, America could turn, as it has done with gun law reform and carbon taxation, to Australia for guidance. Or, we could continue to restrict abortion access, turning safe and legal abortion into a privilege reserved only for those who can afford it, while the rest are left vulnerable to unregulated medication and unlicensed doctors.

What could possibly go wrong?

Alongside America’s obesity epidemic exists an epidemic of fat-shaming that targets people of all weights, Chloe Angyal writes.

Fat-Shaming All Around Us


The sign outside a cafe in West Village that sparked debate over fat-shaming. (Courtesy of Chloe Angyal.)

Earlier this week I blogged here about the thinspiration community—which encourages anorexic and bulimic behaviors and insists that eating disorders are not mental illnesses but admirable “lifestyle choices”—and its use of Twitter to share tips on how to be “better” at your eating disorder.

In that post I posited that, disturbing though it is, the thinspiration community is simply an exaggeration of the culture in which it exists. A grotesque exaggeration, to be sure, but hardly surprising one in a culture where women are expected to be thin at all costs, and in which more mainstream discussions of weight conflate thinness with health, beauty and self-worth. As an example of that larger culture, I pointed to a photo I had taken just that day, of a sign outside a cafe in Manhattan’s West Village. The cafe, whose staple menu item is oatmeal, posted the respective calorie counts of a bagel with cream cheese and a cup of oatmeal with berries, with the commentary: “Summer’s coming… Just sayin’.”

This, ladies and gentlemen, is what fat-shaming looks like. Summer’s coming, and with it, hot weather and skimpy clothes. Better look “good”—that is, skinny—when it arrives. Because fat people are disgusting, right?

I tweeted at the company and told them that I thought they should take the sign down, and they complied. They apologized, saying they were only trying to highlight the health benefits of oatmeal. I call shenanigans. If the sign had simply compared the calorie counts of the two breakfasts, that would have been fine. But there’s nothing healthy about reinforcing the hateful attitudes we hold in this culture toward people who are overweight.

After Oatmeals agreed to take the sign down, and after I thanked them, some other blogs picked up the story. The vitriol that was unleashed—in comments sections, in my Twitter feed, and in my e-mail inbox—was breathtaking.

Leaving aside the comments about my stupidity, my oversensitivity and my weight, the reaction to my argument that the sign was “fat-shamey” was, in itself, really fat-shaming. Fat people are hideous. Fat people are lazy. Fat people are fat by choice. Fat people don’t know they’re fat. Fat people are too dumb to make smart choices. Chloe is fat and should therefore shut up, because fat people’s voices don’t count. In that kind of discourse, it becomes crystal clear that in America, “fat” is not simply an adjective. It carries so much more—if you’ll forgive me—weight, than that.

Multiple people pointed to America’s "obesity epidemic" as justification for heaping scorn and cruelty on overweight people, as though a national food policy problem can be solved by insulting individual human beings. True, some people are genuinely concerned about the "obesity epidemic." But when I hear someone defend their hatred and discrimination with the words “obesity epidemic!” all I hear is, “I lack compassion for an increasingly populous group of my fellow citizens!” Oh, but for their own good, of course.

Others insisted that fat-shaming simply isn’t real, that it’s something that overly-PC liberals thought up so they can be offended by anything and everything. Fat-shaming isn’t real? Do you live in a world without US Weekly and People, without The Biggest Loser, without sitcoms in which fat people are depicted as stupid, lazy and greedy, their sexual desires painted as hilarious and grotesque? Do you live in a world in which critics comment only on the talent and not on the girth of actresses like Melissa McCarthy and Gabourey Sidibe? In which pundits treat politicians and public figures like Chris Christie, Michelle Obama and Hillary Clinton with respect? Because that is a world in which fat-shaming is not a real thing. It sounds fantastic! It also bears no resemblance to the world in which the rest of us live.

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If you sit up and pay attention, if you stop making excuses for the appalling way that we talk about and treat overweight people, you’ll notice vitriol all around you. And that vitriol, though it’s ostensibly directed at overweight people, isn’t meant just for them. It’s meant for all of us: even if you’re at a “normal” weight, it says, you better stay that way. This is the kind of hatred, the kind of judgment, the complete lack of human compassion that you can expect if you fail to do so. Some people have lived that experience in reverse, like Emily McCombs, who used to be obese and lost 100 pounds, dropping from a size 24 to a size 10. She observed that when she did so, she was “rewarded with membership in a club I never knew existed, where the benefits included better treatment, greater professional success and, above all, a new status as qualified participant in the social world including romantic relationships.” She had experienced some to-her-face cruelty when she was fat, but she had had no idea of the way that not-fat people had been speaking about her behind her back. “Of those who are nice to me now,” she wonders, “who would have been rude to me before? Which ones made the cruel jokes? Who can be trusted?”

That’s how you know that fat-shaming is real. It doesn’t matter how much you weigh, or how big you are (the two, though they’re correlated, are not interchangeable). Your body is being policed. Your body is being judged, and with it, your character and your intelligence. This is fat-shaming. Is it any wonder that millions of Americans are struggling with eating disorders and disordered eating?

Fat-shaming, like the myriad factors that contribute to obesity and to eating disorders in America, is systemic. When it comes to food (bearing in mind that, at the core, neither obesity nor an eating disorder is about food), it is imperative that consumers have all the information they need to make the best choices they can about what they eat. It’s crucial that we know more about where our food comes from: who picks it and under what conditions, what they’re paid for their hard work, what farming does to the land and the communities around it, what foods are subsidized by our government, what’s in our food and how it affects our bodies. There are so many things we need to know about what we eat, beyond the simple calorie count.

But here is one thing we know for sure: fat-shaming is real, and it is not a solution to our problems. That way lies ruin. That way lies eating disorders and discrimination. Oatmeal might be a healthy and delicious breakfast, but there is nothing healthy—nothing admirable, nothing of social or cultural value—in shaming people for their bodies. Just sayin’.

For more on America’s misguided weight ideals, read Chloe Angyal’s post on thinspiration and eating disorders.

The 'Thinspiration' Behind an Impossible Ideal of Beauty


Anorexia is the deadliest of mental illnesses. (Courtesy of Flickr, CC 2.0.)

Ever heard of thinspiration? Google it—actually, on second thought, don't, unless you want to fall down a rabbit hole into the deeply disturbing world of explicitly pro-anorexia, pro-bulimia blogs and websites.

The pro-ana and pro-mia communities are, well, exactly what they sound like. They promote weight loss and maintenance though anorexic and bulimic behaviors, holding up self-starvation and purging as ways to become and stay beautiful, and to prove one's self-discipline. In other words, they frame disordered behaviors as a lifestyle, and not as the symptoms of mental illness. The purpose of thinspiration communities is to support those who are suffering from eating disorders not in seeking help, but in being "better" anorexics and bulimics. In fact, they discourage seeking help, insisting that starving oneself or purging after eating is a healthy, admirable way to live.

Like I said, you probably don't want to Google it.

This week, a Change.org petition was created urging Twitter to take steps similar to those taken by Tumblr, Pinterest, Instagram and Facebook to make it more difficult for the thinspiration community to use their services. Pinterest, the online image pin-board that is basically a thinspo-seeker's dream come true, has already made it impossible to find boards and pins with the search term "thinspo." If one tries, they'll see the message, "Eating disorders are not lifestyle choices, they are mental disorders that if left untreated can cause serious health problems or could even be life-threatening," as well as the website and telephone number for the National Eating Disorders Association. As Nina Bahadur notes, after Tumblr and Pinterest implemented anti-thinspiration policies, many in the thinspiration community began using Instagram to share "thinspiring" images of skeletally thin women. Instagram, too, has now changed its policies to make this more difficult. Twitter should most certainly do the same.

For Twitter, the case for implementing a similar policy is strong: doing so is a matter of corporate responsibility and public health. Anorexia is the deadliest of mental illnesses, with a fatality rate higher than that of any other psychiatric condition. Surely Twitter doesn't want to facilitate communities that teach how to be "better" at that condition, because this case, being better means being a few pounds closer to death. Then again, whatever Twitter chooses to do, it will not be a panacea: As we've already seen with their migration from Pinterest to Instagram, the thinspiration community, if they can't operate on Twitter, will go elsewhere, or else find ways around the rules that Twitter puts in place. The community, much like the disorders it encourages and the larger culture of idealizing one sole vision of female beauty, is adaptable.

I describe the thinspiration community as "explicitly" pro-eating disorders to distinguish their rhetoric and imagery from those present in other forms of media, whose encouragement of such behaviors are more subtle, but no less real.

The thinspiration community is grotesque exaggeration of the larger culture in which it exists, a culture that glorifies an unhealthily thin body as the peak of feminine beauty and, by extension, feminine success. For white women in America, the pressure to be thin, and to be thin at any cost, is immense. For women of color, it's even more complicated: the ideal of being "thick in the right places" collides with the dominant American ideal that depicts women of color who "look whiter" as more attractive than those who don't (I say "women" here, because most thinspiration community members are women, though the rate of eating disorders and disordered eating in American men is rising steadily). Where the thinspiration community makes it explicit that women should starve themselves, other forms of media simply refuse to feature any images of women who aren't incredibly thin, or photoshopped to physically impossible proportions, while featuring dieting tips and lauding celebrities who lose weight. Mainstream media makes implicit connections between skinniness and sexiness, discipline, fitness, beauty and worth. Thinspiration simply dispenses with the implications. The message is no different; it's just more overt than in the world outside the thinspiration community.

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For this reason, it's not enough to simply root out thinspiration hashtags, blogs, chatrooms and Facebook groups while leaving that larger culture untouched. To do so would be like banning Facebook groups that explicitly glorify and encourage rape without asking ourselves why those groups exist in the first place. Nor is it accurate to blame this all on social media, because thinspiration existed long before Twitter and Facebook, albeit by other names. Before Pinterest, women taped pictures from fashion magazines on their fridges to discourage themselves from eating. As is so often the case, social media has facilitated this particular streak in our culture; it didn't create it. Just this morning I snapped this photo on the street, a sign encouraging us to slash our calorie consumption so we can be skinny for summer. This is thinspiration, and it is all around us. Social media has simply given it an accessible, and somewhat anonymous, online home. Most of the images on thinspiration blogs come, just like the ones taped to the fridge, from mainstream fashion magazines. They aren't pulled from some dreadful Unhealthily Thin Women Database. We are exposed to thinspiration all the time, even if we've never Googled the term in our lives.

Twitter should change their policies around #thinspo, no doubt about it. But we mustn't confuse that small and important battle with the greater war. Nor should we point to thinspiration and shake our heads at how messed up some people are, all the while letting ourselves, and the larger culture in which we live, off the hook. To scapegoat thinspiration social media would have the same effect that scapegoating always has: it would make us feel better in the short term, without making us much better in the long.

In a culture that condones sexual violence, "I Touch Myself" is still revolutionary, Chloe Angyal writes in her elegy to Chrissy Amphlett.

Chrissy Amphlett's Pleasure Anthem


Chrissy Amphlett performs as Judy Garland in the musical “The Boy From Oz” in 2006. (Reuters/Will Burgess.)

Decades before Britney Spears danced through the hallways of a high school in a little plaid skirt, Chrissy Amphlett was making a scene on stage in a school uniform and fishnet stockings. Long before Rihanna sang about the appeals of S&M, Amphlett was crooning about the fine line between pleasure and pain, asking us to please not ask her how she’s been getting off. And years before rappers like Missy Elliott and Nicki Minaj were rhyming about taking their sexual pleasure into their own hands, Amphlett was serenading the object of her affection with “when I think about you, I touch myself.”

Amphlett, the lead singer of Divinyls, one of Australia’s best-loved rock bands, died in New York City yesterday after a long battle with cancer and multiple sclerosis. She was 53.

Growing up in Australia in the 1990s, I heard a lot of Divinyls music, most of it in the car. My parents had raised us—my sister and me—on classical music and Gilbert and Sullivan operettas, and didn’t expose us to much pop music (though my mother did teach me the names of the fifty United States with the aid of “California Girls”). When I was 6 or 7, though, they hired a new nanny, one who had very different tastes in music. She listened to rock, and so whenever she and my sister and I were in the car, the radio was tuned to Sydney’s rock station. New names entered my vocabulary: Bon Jovi, Cold Chisel, Screaming Jets, Midnight Oil, AC/DC, INXS. I wasn’t terribly good at distinguishing these bands—they all sounded the same to my young and uninitiated ears, and I took to simply asking, “Is this Cold Chisel?” every time a song came on, much to my sister’s irritation. But I never had any trouble identifying Divinyls, partly because Amphlett’s was one of the few women’s voices you could hear on rock radio in the mid-nineties.

Two decades after Divinyls made it big (in 1991, “I Touch Myself” went to No. 1 in Australia, No. 4 in the US, and No. 10 in the UK), there are more women’s voices to be found in mainstream rock, though not as many as I’d like. And in part because singers like Rihanna and Spears, as well as Janet Jackson and Pink, have recently penned and performed songs about masturbation, it’s easy to forget how shocking those lyrics were when the song was released. But in 1991, it was still remarkable for a woman to talk openly about masturbation, let alone sing about it loudly and proudly with the full backing of a band to boot. By the early 1990s, the second wave of feminism had well and truly crested, and the backlash against it was in full swing. It was one thing to be a woman in a man’s game, but for that woman to stand on stage and enumerate her various sexual fantasies, well, that was still revolutionary.

Later in her life, Amphlett expressed the wish that “I Touch Myself” serve as a reminder to women that they should get annual breast exams, so that they might catch breast cancer early. And so it should, but of course, those exams don’t involve touching yourself. As we contemplate Amphlett’s legacy, we should also remember the power of women’s pleasure—and consider the sobering fact that it is still shocking to hear a woman talk, or sing, about masturbation.

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Last week, I wrote here at The Nation about how important it is for survivors of sexual violence to tell their stories, and what civilians can learn from the US military about how not to listen to those stories.

One of the cures for that epidemic is the destigmatization of pleasure. A culture in which girls and women are taught to understand and honor their own sexual desires, and in which boys and men are taught to respect those desires as much as they respect their own, is a culture that does not permit sexual violence. In such a culture, it is a prerequisite for initiating and continuing with a sexual interaction that everyone involved will feel good. Everyone will have the vocabulary and the permission to talk about feeling good. They will consent, enthusiastically. In that culture, Steubenville is inconceivable. In that culture, bodily autonomy comes first and pleasure comes—and yes, that was entirely intentional—a very close second.

We don’t live in that culture. We live in a culture that let Steubenville happen, and that will undoubtedly let countless similar acts happen before we finally decide we’ve had enough. Destigmatizing women’s sexual pleasure isn’t a panacea, but it is one solution. Pleasure is powerful, and, as Amphlett’s own song suggests, there’s a fine line between pleasure and pain: We cannot talk about bad sexual interactions and sex crimes without also talking about what good sex looks (and feels) like. We have a sexual violence problem in America, and we have an orgasm gap. The two are related, and we won’t solve that problem or bridge that gap until we care, as a culture, about pleasure and about pain.

The first time I heard Divinyls on the radio, I asked my nanny what the song “I Touch Myself” was about. She got very uncomfortable and said she didn’t know how to explain it properly. Then she changed the station. Years later, I am still waiting for an honest conversation about women’s pleasure and pain—a cultural one, this time. We won’t solve America’s sexual violence problem without it. If we can have it, though, the implications will be nothing short of revolutionary. “I Touch Myself” can be our anthem.

Chloe Angyal last wrote about one girl’s rejection of sex education that only promotes ignorance.

Sex, Lies and 'Education'


Reuters/Chaiwat Subprasom

“If you use birth control, your mother probably hates you.”

“I could look at any one of you in the eyes right now and tell if you’re going to be promiscuous.”

Meet Pam Stenzel, the pro-abstinence speaker whose talk caused a controversy at a high school in Charleston, West Virginia, last week. At George Washington High School, student body president Katelyn Campbell refused to go to the mandatory assembly where Stenzel gave her anti-sex, anti-contraception lecture, and the actions that the school took against Campbell in response have once again called attention to the abysmal state of sex education in the United States.

Stenzel, as she explains in her talk, spent nine years as a “counselor” at a Crisis Pregnancy Center in Chicago before she started traveling the country and the world speaking about the dangers of sex and the virtues of abstinence. Crisis Pregnancy Centers (CPCs) are pseudo-clinics, deliberately designed to look like abortion clinics, where pregnant women are given free pregnancy tests and ultrasounds and told about the nonexistent connections between abortion and breast cancer, or abortion and infertility. CPCs, which are often funded by religious organizations, push pregnant women to keep their pregnancies so that they can either give the baby up for adoption or parent it themselves (for more on CPCs, read the inimitable Katie Stack, whose undercover videos of the clinics are jawdropping).

It makes perfect sense, then, that Stenzel’s talk is riddled with misinformation, outright lies and moralizing that shames people—mostly women—for wanting and having sex.

Katelyn Campbell was having none of that. After refusing to go to the assembly, she filed a complaint with the ACLU, and then she alerted the media. She called it “slut-shaming.” Then, the principal, a man by the name of George Aulenbacher, retaliated. He called Campbell to his office and berated her for what she had done:

He then allegedly threatened to call Wellesley College, where Campbell has been accepted, and tell them about her actions. “How would you feel if I called your college and told them what bad character you have and what a backstabber you are?” he said, according to the complaint.

“I said, ‘Go ahead,’” Campbell said Monday. “He continued to berate me in his office. I’m not an emotional person, but I cried. He threatened me and my future in order to put forth his own personal agenda and made teachers and students feel they cant speak up because of fear of retaliation.”

After this Campbell filed an injunction against him, and continued talking to the press, demonstrating as she did so that, despite Aulenbacher’s threats, she is precisely the kind of student a school like Wellesley would want to have. Campbell’s argument was that she and her fellow students deserve accurate, nonjudgmental information about sexual health, and she is of course absolutely correct (she didn’t tackle the fact that in a public high school, students were required to attend an assembly that was funded by a local Christian group and that clearly preached Christian sexual morality, which would appear to bridge the necessary separation between Church and State. Presumably, hopefully, that aspect of this controversy is under investigation).

Stenzel jokes in her talk that her plan for ensuring that her kids made the right decisions about sex was to lock them in a box when they turn 13, and not let them out until they’re 19. Now that her daughter is 20, though, Stenzel says she’s decided “to up that to 24.” That’s because she wants desperately to protect her kids from the pain and heartbreak that she saw every day at the CPC and that she sees in the schools she speaks at. Clearly, the lock-‘em-up line is a joke, but it’s an apt metaphor for what Stenzel and the principal of George Washington High School are doing by requiring kids to hear this fact-deficient, judgment-heavy version of sex.

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Marketing her talk as the cold hard truth about sex, Stenzel goes on to tell her audience that “if you have sex outside of one permanent monogamous—and monogamy does not mean one at a time, that means one partner who has only been with you—if you have sex outside of that context, you will pay. No one has ever had more than one partner and not paid.” When Campbell called Stenzel’s talk “slut-shaming,” she was not kidding. What Stenzel is providing, and what principals like Aulenbacher are forcing their students to listen to, is not education. It’s indoctrination. More than that, it’s unscientific moralizing dressed up as the truth, with the purported goal of protecting students.

Stenzel is right about one thing: American teenagers need to know the cold hard truth about sex. That certainly isn’t what she’s providing, but it is what they need. They need to know about condoms and the pill and abortion, and pregnancy and herpes and HPV. They need to know about consent. They need to know about relationship abuse. They need to know the truth about all those things so that they really and truly can make the best decisions for themselves.

It isn’t hard to see the similarities between CPCs and the kind of “education” Stenzel is peddling, besides her involvement in both. Both deceive and mislead people when they are vulnerable and trusting, and in need of help. Both masquerade as the cold hard truth, as the real story, as what “they” won’t tell you about abortion. Both are invested in a deeply conservative vision of sexual politics, in which abstinence, “traditional” marriage and the virgin-whore dichotomy are firmly in place.

Most importantly, both are marked by a deep mistrust of the people they target, by the belief that, if furnished with all the relevant information, those people will make the “wrong” decision. They will decide to have premarital sex, or to have an abortion. CPCs and abstinence education are both marked by the consequent belief that it is justifiable to lie to achieve their ends. Whether it’s in healthcare or in our schools, our young people deserve better than that.

That’s why we need more young people like Katelyn Campbell. We need young people who know their rights and aren’t afraid to assert them. We need young people who are committed to knowing and sharing the cold hard truth about sexual health. Who refuse to stay locked away in that box.

Read Chloe Angyal on the military’s sexual assault revelations, and why we need to shine the light on sexual assault in everyday life.

Sexual Assault Survivors Are Telling Their Stories—Are We Listening?


The documentary The Invisible War profiles survivors like Ariana Klay, who was raped in the Marines. (Courtesy of The Invisible War).

"So, what's it like to be sitting in a room with so many people who have been sexually assaulted?" My friend was asking because yesterday, I spoke at the Service Women's Action Network conference, the Truth and Justice Summit on Military Sexual Trauma. I scoffed grimly and texted him back: "Look around the room you're in now, and ask yourself the same question."

It wasn't an unreasonable question he'd asked. There is something bone chilling about sitting in a hotel ballroom at full capacity and knowing that almost every person in that room is a survivor of sexual violence. It's nauseating to remember that most of that violence was inflicted while they were serving their country, and that it was inflicted not by the enemy, but by one of their own. A conservative estimate of the proportion of women in the Armed Forces who have been sexually assaulted is 20 percent. For men, the sheer number of assaults is higher than it is for women. We are talking hundreds of thousands of men and women, in all branches of the military. This week, several hundred of them gathered in Washington, D.C. to talk about their experiences, to discuss policy, and to visit Capitol Hill for a day of lobbying. There were moments in that ballroom, when survivors were talking about how they had suffered, first at the hands of their assailants and then from the military’s efforts to sweep what had happened under the rug, or from the VA’s failure to provide them with care, when you could hear a pin drop. There were moments when the pain, the betrayal and the anger, were almost palpable.    

Of course, it’s rare, unless you do sexual violence prevention work, to find yourself in such a room. But statistically speaking, in America, if you’re in a room that contains six women, or a room that contains thirty men, one of them is a survivor of sexual assault. The difference between the ballroom I was in yesterday and almost any other room in this country is that in the ballroom, we actually acknowledged the statistics. We were thinking about them. And most importantly of all, we were talking about the problem.    

The workshop I was there to teach was about the various ways survivors can tell their stories of assault in public, be it in print, online, through photography, or in other media. Some of that storytelling work has already begun: the documentary The Invisible War, about servicewomen and men who have been assaulted and attempted to seek justice through the deeply flawed military justice system, is a spectacular piece of storytelling. But there are literally thousands more stories to be told, and to tell them can be an act of personal catharsis as well as a powerful political strategy.

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To speak openly about sexual assault in the military is to run myriad risks. Many survivors have been punished for telling the truth about what happened to them: attacked further, threatened with discharge, actually discharged, cast out of their professional community and then of their wider communities, their stories questioned repeatedly and the blame for what was done to them laid at their feet. No wonder that 20 percent figure is considered a conservative one: many survivors never say a word to anyone. The risks are simply too great.    

In the civilian world, it’s rare to find oneself in a room that contains so many survivors of sexual violence. But they’re all around us nonetheless, and they should take the courage of the servicemen and women as a model. We, as their would-be interlocutors, should take the institutional cruelty of the military as a model how not to behave when they do come forward.    

At the moment, we are failing in that mission. True, law enforcement procedures and legal practice have changed since the days when yesterday’s keynote speaker Missouri Senator Claire McCaskill was a prosecutor. In the 1970s, when McCaskill was the only woman assistant district attorney, sexual assault cases were ignored and laughed at. Yesterday, McCaskill recalled one case that her office almost passed on because the victim in question had an IUD. That she used birth control made her claim of rape incredible, in the eyes of those ADAs. Thankfully, Rush Limbaugh and his ilk notwithstanding, Americans don’t think that way any more. But we don’t listen the way we should, and we don’t treat sexual violence with anything approaching the seriousness it deserves. Our failure to listen when survivors of sexual violence tell their stories is fatal: in the last month alone, two such survivors have committed suicide because of how the people around them responded when they spoke out about what happened to them. And those are just the two we know about.    

“The movement,” as my fellow presenter and Nation contributor Mychal Denzel Smith said yesterday, “needs a narrative.” Sexual violence happens in every community in America. It’s not just the military. It’s not just the football team, or the frat. It’s the chess team and the gymnastics squad and the mathletes. It’s parties all over America. It’s houses of worship all over America. It’s homes all over America. All those stories need to be told, until they can no longer be dismissed as one-offs, as the actions of a few bad apples. Every story we hear makes us more likely to hear and honour the next one. That is how movements work.    

The onus, though, cannot be solely on the storytellers. It is also on the rest of us, the other five women in the room or the other twenty-nine men. It is true that there is enormous political power in telling your story. But only if someone is listening.

First suspension, later stop-and-frisk: The lifelong cycle of discriminatory treatment starts in our schools, Chloe Angyal writes.

Punishing Students For Who They Are, Not What They Do


A student reads at a school in New Jersey. One in four black students were suspended in 2009-10, compared to one in fourteen white students. (AP Photo/Jose F. Moreno.)

Until last month, I had never seen a stop-and-frisk happen. Despite the amount of attention devoted to the controversial New York City policy in the last year, despite the protests, and despite having lived in the city for almost four years, I had never witnessed a stop-and-frisk. And then, a few weeks ago, I watched as two policemen stopped middle-aged black man on 98th Street, and frisked him. I wondered, not for the first time, what it would take for those same policemen to stop and frisk me. Controlling for all other factors—location, time of day, behavior—what would it take for the cops to stop and frisk a pretty white lady on the Upper West Side?

Somewhere in America, there’s a politically aware white high school student asking himself the same question, not about stop-and-frisk, but about school suspension. How much would I have to misbehave to run the same risk of suspension as my black classmates?

If you’re a white middle or high school student, and you don’t have a disability, your odds of being suspended from school are one in fourteen. If you’re a black middle or high school student without a disability, your odds are one in four. According to a new study by the Civil Rights Project at UCLA, a quarter of black students were suspended in the 2009-2010 school year. A quarter. For students with disabilities, the odds are one in five. And for black girls, the numbers are a stark demonstration of what happens when two forms of discrimination intersect: Black girls are more likely to be suspended than black boys or white girls. And, to the surprise of absolutely no one, when you add a third axis—disability—the figures get even worse. Black girls with disabilities are suspended at a rate sixteen percent higher than white girls with disabilities.

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Schools, under-funded and over-populated, are suspending students for minor infractions like cell phone use or loitering (or for violating dress codes, which are problematic for a host of reasons), and being suspended dramatically increases your chance of dropping out altogether. One Florida study found that a single suspension in ninth grade doubled dropout rates, from sixteen percent to thirty-two percent. And though suspension rates are unnecessarily high, they’re disproportionately high for those students who are already marginalized.

There are ways to bring down the number of suspensions across the board, as the study notes. Changes to codes of conduct, implementing positive behavioral supports, better training and supporting teachers, and implementing principles of restorative justice, are all ways to reduce the number of suspensions. But that reduction in raw numbers will not be enough unless schools also address the disproportionate punishment of minority students.

Punishment rates in schools mirror the rates in the “real world” – though what could be more real than entrenched discrimination in our schools? – and in fact, contribute to those real world figures. The Civil Rights Project report notes that the abuse and misuse of suspensions can turn them into “gateways to prison.” Even if that were not the case, even absent a school-to-prison pipeline, the situation would be grim enough. What this report reveals is a disregard for the wellbeing of marginalized populations that, were it directed at other groups, would never be allowed to stand. If a quarter of white middle school boys were being suspended every school year, and if pretty white ladies were being frisked on the streets of Manhattan, there’d be uproar.

What would it take for the police to stop and frisk a pretty white lady on the Upper West Side? What would it take for a school to suspend a young white man with no disability? These are important – if upsetting – thought experiments. But the real question is, what will it take for us to fix this system that punishes students and citizens for no other reason but their membership in marginalized groups?

Read Chloe Angyal on the Boston Marathon bombings and why some of those injured could someday run again.

After Boston, One Foot in Front of the Other


Runners compete in the 2013 Boston Marathon. (Photo courtesy of Sonia Su, Wikimedia, CC 2.0.)

In a few weeks' time, my friend Anthony is having a party. It's not his birthday, but he is celebrating the fact that he's alive. He and his friends will get together to mark the one-year anniversary of the day he almost died, but didn't: an Alive Day party. Among wounded vets, such celebrations aren't uncommon ("It sounds like pretty much every Jewish holiday," I joked to Anthony when he told me about his plan. "They tried to kill us, they failed, let's eat").

Almost a year ago, Anthony stepped on an IED while out on patrol in Kandahar Province. Technically, he died that day: he flat-lined twice in the helicopter that lifted him out of the explosion site, but he came back. For that, I am profoundly grateful every day. He lost one of his legs below the knee in the blast, and has spent the last year in and out of surgery, learning to use a series of increasingly sophisticated prostheses, and building up his strength again.

Like most people who were fortunate enough to not have loved ones in harm’s way yesterday, I sat in shock at the news out of Boston. I scrolled through my Twitter feed with the kind of disgust and disbelief, that mingled fear and sadness that has become sickeningly familiar to Americans of late. I didn’t rage and I didn’t cry; I just sat there, reading and watching. 

And then I heard the news of marathon runners sustaining serious injuries to their lower extremities, the report from Mass General that several amputations had been performed. People losing calves, and feet. Men and women who had just run a marathon, who run every single day, who have honed their bodies into world-class athletic machines, suddenly without feet, or living without a leg. For reasons I can't explain, it was that thought that broke my heart.

Perhaps it was because I grew up on the balance beam and at the ballet barre, reveling in the things my body could do. I've never run a marathon—never come close—but I know what it feels like to command your body to do something that seems impossible, to gradually, determinedly coax it, correcting an angle here and a foot placement there until finally, your body does what your mind has decided it will do. And though I never injured myself in a catastrophic way, I did, over time, lose that capacity. Bits of my body gave out, until I could no longer issue the same commands. It simply wouldn't cooperate, and I grieved the loss. The news of marathon runners suddenly robbed of the ability to do what they do brought back that grief.

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And then I thought about Anthony, and about the last year of his life. I thought about how hard he worked to master his various prosthetic limbs, his determination through rehab. I remembered him telling me, the first time I saw him after his injury, when he was still on crutches, that now he wanted to run a marathon. I thought about the day I burst into tears watching a video of him running around a gym on his new prostheses. In the background, you hear the trainer say, "Okay, run a lap." Anthony runs three. 

Unlike Anthony, those runners didn't sign up knowing there was a risk of explosions. And unlike Anthony, they won't have access to the kind of high-level and long-term medical care that many soldiers and veterans receive. But many of them will be able to walk again. Many of them will be able to run again. That's in part because—and there's no way around this ethical discomfort—they're citizens of a country that has for a decade been sending troops to a battleground where these kinds of injuries are incredibly common. We've become very good at treating this kind of damage to the human body, and we've become very good at teaching people to adapt to life after that damage. Those advances have been achieved as a result of questionable foreign policy choices. But on a day like today, I feel inescapable gratitude that they have been achieved.

Running a marathon, it hardly bears noting, requires an extraordinary level of determination. It requires a kind of self-discipline and a force of will that most of us, even those of us who have been elite athletes, have only glimpsed in ourselves. So too does recovery from the kinds of life-changing injuries that were sustained in Boston yesterday. Rehab is hard, painful, miserable work. But those runners, I suspect, will run again. They'll run another marathon. They might even run three.

Read Dave Zirin on why Monday's bombing is a tragedy that the Boston Marathon—and the strength of spirit on display there—will overcome.

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