The Nation

John Boehner's Crying Game

House Minority Leader John Boehner wept Thursday night, as he delivered the final Republican appeal on behalf of funding President Bush's perpetual war in Iraq.

This is obviously a serious matter for the tear-inclined Ohio congressman, who last lost his composure during a February soliloquy on the need for "solemn debate" in the House.

Unfortunately for Boehner, he is seriously misinformed about the issue that is bringing him to tears.

Perhaps we can help Boehner compose himself.

The minority leader made clear that he believes it will be necessary to sacrifice more U.S. lives in Iraq as a response to the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on World Trade Center and the Pentagon.

Speaking of the 19 religious zealots from Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt and Lebanon who have been identified as the perpetrators of those attacks, the ranking Republican in the House was shaking with anger at Democrats who had delayed the dispatch of the latest billions to fund the president's Iraq adventure.

"After 3,000 of our fellow citizens died at the hands of these terrorists, when are we going to stand up and take them on? When are we going to defeat 'em?" demanded Boehner. "Ladies and gentlemen, let me tell you, if we don't do it now, and if we don't have the courage to defeat this enemy, we will long, long regret it. So thank you for the commitment to get the job done today."

It appears that Boehner is suffering from some confusion about the reason why President Bush dispatched U.S. troops to Iraq.

In a moment of such confusion, perhaps it is best to turn to the commander in chief for clarification.

In August, 2006, when President Bush was explaining how the 9/11 attacks inspired his "freedom agenda," Cox News reporter Ken Herman of Cox News, interrupted to ask what Iraq had to do with 9/11. And the president set things straight once and for all.

"The terrorists attacked us and killed 3,000 of our citizens before we started the freedom agenda in the Middle East," said Bush.

"What did Iraq have to do with it?" asked Herman.

"What did Iraq have to do with what?" responded a confused Bush.

"The attack on the World Trade Center," explained Herman.

"Nothing," admitted Bush, who went on to say that "nobody has suggested in this administration that Saddam Hussein ordered the attack."

For emphasis, Bush repeated, "Nobody's ever suggested that the attacks of September the 11th were ordered by Iraq."

Hopefully, this will come as some comfort to Congressman Boehner. Debates about Iraq funding have nothing to do with September 11 or fighting terrorism. They are about whether young American men and women will continue to die in another country's civil war, and that does not seem to bother Boehner or the Congress.

So there's no need for tears here, except perhaps for the republic.


John Nichols' new book is THE GENIUS OF IMPEACHMENT: The Founders' Cure forRoyalism. Rolling Stone's Tim Dickinson hails it as a "nervy, acerbic, passionately argued history-cum-polemic [that] combines a rich examination of the parliamentary roots and past use ofthe 'heroic medicine' that is impeachment with a call for Democraticleaders to 'reclaim and reuse the most vital tool handed to us by thefounders for the defense of our most basic liberties.'"

"A Big Mistake" Vote Gives Bush His Iraq Money

Despite the results of last November's elections, which gave them the authority to check and balance George Bush, and despite polls that show roughly two-thirds of Americans want them to do so, Democrats are not quite ready to say "no" to the president's demand for more money to wage the war that he pleases in Iraq.

On the critical Senate vote on whether to hand Bush a blank check he sought, 37 Democrats and so-called "Democrat" Joe Lieberman of Connecticut voted with the White House. They joined with 42 Republicans -- including Nebraska Senator Chuck Hagel, who talks a good anti-war line but votes with the administration when push comes to shove -- to pass the $120 billion supplemental spending bill.

Against the 80 votes for perpetual war were 14 "no" votes. Three came from conservative Republicans -- North Carolina's Richard Burr, Oklahoma's Tom Coburn and Wyoming's Mike Enzi -- who objected to the pricey domestic initiatives and policies that were attached to the measure in an attempt to render it more palatable.

That left nine Democrats and one independent who caucuses with the Democrats, Vermont's Bernie Sanders, objecting to giving Bush the go ahead to keep his war going through 2008, and perhaps to January 20, 2009.

The Democrats who voted "no" were: California's Barbara Boxer, New York's Hillary Clinton, Connecticut's Chris Dodd, Wisconsin's Russ Feingold, Massachusetts' Edward Kennedy and John Kerry, Vermont's Patrick Leahy, Illinois' Barack Obama, Rhode Island's Sheldon Whitehouse and Oregon's Ron Wyden.

Clinton, Obama and Dodd are all 2008 presidential candidates. Dodd gets the highest marks, as he was out front in his opposition to the spending bill, while Obama and Clinton took the right stand only after Dodd and another Democratic contender, John Edwards, turned up the heat on the frontrunners -- as did activist groups such as Progressive Democrats for America and MoveOn.org.

The Senate vote was the most closely watched, because of its potential impact on the Democratic presidential contest and because it provided a clearer measure of Democratic willingness to stand up to Bush.

In the House, where the spending bill was split into two parts, the calculus was more complex. But Democrats still showed their divisions when it comes to challenging Bush's warmaking.

On the question of whether to give Bush all the money and more that he sought to keep his war going, the vote was 280-142 in favor. Republicans cast the majority of "yes" votes, 194. But 86 Democrats -- including the House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, D-Maryland, and a number of key committee and sub-committee chairs -- joined the "yes" camp.

Voting "no" were 14O Democrats -- including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-California, and Appropriations Committee chair David Obey, D-Wisconsin, the man who negotiated the bill -- and two Republicans with steady records of anti-war voting, Tennessee's John Duncan and Texan Ron Paul. Obey called the process that ended in the president getting the money he wanted with no timeline for withdrawal and inconsequential "benchmarks" a "step forwrad" to the fight to end the war.

But it didn't feel like that to Feingold, the first Democrat to call for a withdrawal timeline and an outspoken advocate for using Congress' "power of the purse" to bring the troops home. Calling Congress' compromise with the White House "a failure," Feingold said, "This is the first real turn in the wrong direction in several months. I regret it, and I think it's a big mistake."

So what are we left with? Not much to be encouraged by. Pelosi says this is not the end of the fight, that Democrats will press the president when additional Iraq spending demands come to the Congress in the summer and fall. The speaker's sincere; she does hold out hope for a turn of events that will make it possible to block Bush. And there is no reason not to wish her well. But the fact is that Democrats in the House and Senate remain divided to the point of dysfunction. And the anti-war camp is still far short of the numbers it needs to get Congress to check and balance Bush, not just in the Congress as a whole but in the Democratic caucuses of the House and Senate.

While it seemed in recent weeks that Congress might actually be prepared to stand up to the president, Feingold said Thursday "we are moving backward."

"Instead of forcing the President to safely redeploy our troops, instead of coming up with a strategy providing assistance to a post-redeployment Iraq, and instead of a renewed focus on the global fight against al-Qaeda," the frustrated senator said, "we are faced with a spending bill that kicks the can down the road and buys the Administration time."


John Nichols' new book is THE GENIUS OF IMPEACHMENT: The Founders' Cure forRoyalism. Rolling Stone's Tim Dickinson hails it as a "nervy, acerbic, passionately argued history-cum-polemic [that] combines a rich examination of the parliamentary roots and past use ofthe 'heroic medicine' that is impeachment with a call for Democraticleaders to 'reclaim and reuse the most vital tool handed to us by thefounders for the defense of our most basic liberties.'"

Ron Perelman--Duff, Barkin and Time to Find New Timelines

Ron Perelman. A fixture in New York society. Gorgeous wives. Patricia Duff. Ellen Barkin. Didn't like any of them having a timeline to do their stuff--whether active political work with Al Gore and the Democratic Party (this, with Duff) or any timeline to get back into movie projects (this, with Ellen Barkin who, Lew Wasserman, MCA head, once told me was the hottest actress he'd ever seen--this, after her scenes with Al Pacino in Sea of Love. This month she stars in the repertory cast of Ocean's Eleven or Thirteen.)

Well, true to form, Ron is holding a pricey fundraiser for House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer on June 4. Hoyer's the man who undermined, along with some other Dems, the attempt to pass a funding bill with a timeline for withdrawal. On June 4, head to 36 East 63rd to protest *peacefully* outside out of Perelman's townhouse....Tell Hoyer that it is time to stand with his Caucus-- and end this war and occupation.

Campus Unrest

On some West Coast college campuses this week, students and workers have been outspoken. Tuesday afternoon the Stanford students occupying their presidents office were arrested, as expected. The next day, at UC Davis, fifteen people -- food service workers, students and others -- were arrested while demanding that the university stop subcontracting the university's food services, and allow the workers to join the union. Subcontracting to notorious unionbuster Sodexho Marriott saves the university money but results in shoddy conditions for the workers. Earlier this month, 24 people were arrested in a demonstration on the same issue. It's the end of the school year, and the administrations will probably try to get away with making some nefarious decisions over the summer, while the students are gone. Let's hope this spring's organizing has laid the groundwork for a highly organized fall 2007.

Car Seat Hazards

Car seats are admittedly a parochial concern. And, although I have two small kids at home, car seats are something I haven't had to think about as much as most parents because we're lucky enough to not own a car (and to live in one of the few areas of America in which lack of car ownership isn't a crippling hindrance.)

Still, I couldn't help noticing the headline in an email I recently received from the terrific enviro mag Grist. It seems that car seats have now joined the list of potential dangers to your children. Apparently, crash tests aren't the only way to prove the safety of a car seat. A Michigan-based environmental group, The Ecology Center, released a study this week indicating that chemicals such as chlorine, bromine and lead - which have been linked to cancer, as well as liver, thyroid and developmental problems in children and lab animals - could be leaching from seats, endangering the health of young children.

The center, which tested 62 different car seats, obviously isn't advocating driving with your kids on the lap Britney Spears-style. "Car seats save lives. It's absolutely essential that parents put their children in them while driving," says the group's Jeff Gearhart, but "some car seats are safer than others when it comes to chemical composition."

The Ecology Center suggests the Graco SnugRide Emerson or EvenFlo Discovery Churchill as the two safest seats to buy. The most dangerous: The Combi Centre EX Mango and Peg Perego Primo Viaggio Toffee infant seats; Britax Marathon Platinum convertible seats; and Graco's TurboBooster Emily and TurboBooster SafeSeat booster seats.

Click here to check out a database listing the results for all car seats. And if you own one of the chairs that is a candidate for leaching, the report suggests parking out of direct sunlight, opening car windows, cleaning regularly, and limiting junior's time in the seat as ways to decrease the chances of ingesting chemical.

Taken together with the fact that the number one cause of death for infants and children in the US is automobile accidents, I suggest simply driving less.

The (Air) Power of Withdrawal

In a recent inside-the-fold round-up of the previous day's mayhem in Iraq, David S. Cloud, writing for my hometown paper, devoted 729 words to an account of American casualties from IEDs ("Six American soldiers and their interpreter were killed by a roadside bomb in western Baghdad..."), Iraqi Army, police, insurgent, and civilian casualties, and various bombers -- all of whom were on the ground: suicide bombers, car bombers, truck bombers. Nine words in the report were devoted to the American air war: "American troops killed eight suspected insurgents on Sunday, the military said -- six in an airstrike near Garma, in Anbar Province, and two southwest of Baghdad." We have no further information on that air strike in Garma; no idea what kind of aircraft struck, or with what weaponry, or how those in the air were so certain that those dead on the ground were "suspected insurgents," or who exactly suspected them of being insurgents. The equivalent Washington Post round-up did not even mention that the operation involved an air strike.

This has been fairly typical of the last few years of minimalist to nonexistent mainstream media coverage of the air war in Iraq, based almost singularly on similarly minimalist military press handouts or statements. We do, however, know something about an air strike, also "in the Garma area," last December in which the U.S. military announced that it had "destroyed a foreign fighter safe house in a Sunni insurgent stronghold west of Baghdad, killing five insurgents, two women and a child." Local residents later claimed to an Iraqi journalist that the strike had actually "killed nine members of the same family -- three women, three girls and three boys -- and wounding a man." Air power, for all its "precision," remains a remarkably indiscriminate form of warfare, though headlines like this one from the BBC, are seldom seen here: "US attack ‘kills Iraqi children.'"

We also know from a recent report that the ill-covered operations of the U.S. Air Force in Iraq and Afghanistan have nonetheless significantly degraded American equipment, in the air as on the ground. According to the Air Combat Command's Gen. Ronald Keys, U.S. planes and helicopters are wearing down (and out) from conducting so many missions "in harsh environments." For instance, the general tell us that the A-10 -- a plane used regularly because "its cannon is particularly effective in strafing" -- is increasingly likely to have "cracked wings."

Keep in mind that, however poorly covered these last years, air power has long been the American way of war. After all, it was no mistake that the Iraq war began with a pure show of air power meant to "shock and awe" not just Iraqis but the world. And yet, in recent years in Iraq, the only "bombers" we hear about are of the suicide car or truck variety. This is strange indeed, because nothing should have stopped American journalists from visiting our air bases in the region, from spending time with pilots, or from simply looking up at the evidently crowded skies over their hotels.

The only good mainstream report on American air power in Iraq in this period has been Seymour Hersh's New Yorker piece, "Up in the Air," in December 2005 -- significantly enough, by a journalist who had never set foot in Iraq. He reminded us then of something forgotten for several decades -- that President Richard Nixon's "Vietnamization" plan to withdraw all American "ground troops" (but not tens of thousands of U.S. advisors) from South Vietnam also involved a massive ratcheting upward of the American air war. Hersh reported that, in late 2005, George W. Bush's Iraqification formula ("Our strategy is straightforward: As Iraqis stand up, Americans will stand down…") was but a Vietnamization plan in sheep's clothing. As he wrote at the time: "A key element of the drawdown plans, not mentioned in the President's public statements, is that the departing American troops will be replaced by American airpower. Quick, deadly strikes by U.S. warplanes are seen as a way to improve dramatically the combat capability of even the weakest Iraqi combat units."

In recent months, as the revived Taliban has surged in Afghanistan and U.S. as well as NATO troops have proven in short supply, this is just what has happened. Air power has increasingly been called upon; civilian casualties have been spiking; and Afghans have been growing ever more upset and oppositional. Iraq will undoubtedly be next. There is, as Nick Turse indicates below, already evidence that the use of air power is "surging" in that country.

Here, then, is a post-surge formula to keep in mind: "Withdrawal" equals an increase in air power (as long as the commitment to withdraw isn't a total one). This is no less true of the "withdrawal" plans of the major Democratic presidential candidates and the Democratic congressional mainstream as it is of any administration planning for future draw-downs. All of these plans are largely confined to withdrawing or redeploying American "combat brigades," which add up to only something like half of all American forces in Iraq. None of this will necessarily lessen the American war there. As Patrick Clawson, the deputy director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, told Hersh, it may only "change the mix of the forces doing the fighting." A partial withdrawal is actually likely, at least for a time, to increase the destructive brutality of the war on the American side.

Since 2004, my website, Tomdispatch.com, has, from a distance, been following as carefully as possible what can be known about the American air war in Iraq (and Afghanistan). Tomdispatch regular Nick Turse has been heroically on the job of late. His latest piece (which also appears in abbreviated form in the latest issue of the Nation Magazine) is, I believe, the best assessment of the air war that can, at present, be found in our media world.

Dodd YouTubes Clinton, Obama on War Funding

Chris Dodd is YouTubing Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama again, and this time it's serious. Indeed, the Connecticut senator is leaving no space for the Democratic presidential frontrunners to continue dancing around the rapidly-developing debate over just how serious Democrats are about forcing President Bush to bring troops home from Iraq.

Take a look:

Dodd, the Connecticut senator who is a long-shot contender for the party's nod in 2008, used a YouTube video earlier this month to highlight his support for Wisconsin Senator Russ Feingold's plan to begin withdrawing troops from Iraq within 120 days. That forced the frontrunners in the race, New York Senator Clinton and Illinois Senator Obama, who had been wavering on the issue, to join 27 other Democrats who voted to advance Feingold's exit strategy.

Now, with the Senate poised to vote on a "blank check" supplemental spending bill that will give President Bush more money than he has asked for to maintain the occupation – with no timeline for withdrawal and only inconsequential "benchmarks" attached -- Dodd is promising to oppose the measure.

Speaking in his new campaign video of his support for extracting troops from Iraq on a rapid timeline, Dodd argues: "We need clarity. We need bold decisions here. It's time that we say that we are going to complete that redeployment process within the year. And I'm urging my colleagues and others who are running for president to join me in this move. We need to send a very clear message that the time to redeploy begins now and ends within the year. Not an open-ended check. Not a blank check. Not a half-policy when it comes to Iraq. It's not easy to say that, but it's important we do the right thing. I think the right thing is to vote against the supplemental."

With the aggressive release of the video – Dodd aides were busy alerting political reporters to its release Wednesday evening – the senator is throwing down the gauntlet.

At a time when MoveOn.org is telling its members, "This is a key test vote on whether your representative is serious about ending the war," Dodd is making it the essential test for Clinton and Obama, both of whom refused on Wednesday to say how they would vote. (The fourth Democratic senator who is seeking the presidency, Foreign Relations Committee chair Joe Biden, will vote "yes" – confirming once more that he may be running for Secretary of State in a future Democratic administration but he is certainly not making a serious bid for the votes of the overwhelming majority of Democrats who want to end Bush's war.)

This does not necessarily mean that, if Clinton and Obama agree to give Bush the money he needs to continue surging U.S. troops deeper into the quagmire, early primary and caucus voters will turn to the Connecticut senator as their champion. The most likely beneficiary is still former North Carolina Senator John Edwards, a top-tier candidate who says, "The so-called compromise under discussion in Congress that would give the president another blank check to continue his failed war is a serious mistake. Full funding is full funding, no matter what you call it. Every member of Congress who wants to support our troops and end the war should oppose this proposal." And there is plenty of competition from other anti-war candidates, including Ohio Congressman Dennis Kucinich, who will be leading the charge against the measure in the House.

But Dodd is again playing a critical role in this campaign – that of the senior senator who is saying "no" to the president and forcing the hand of senators who might otherwise give Bush what he wants. No matter how the voting goes on the supplemental spending bill, grassroots Democrats who oppose the war ought to appreciate that it is Dodd who is leading in the Senate, not Clinton or Obama.


John Nichols' new book is THE GENIUS OF IMPEACHMENT: The Founders' Cure forRoyalism. Rolling Stone's Tim Dickinson hails it as a "nervy, acerbic, passionately argued history-cum-polemic [that] combines a rich examination of the parliamentary roots and past use ofthe 'heroic medicine' that is impeachment with a call for Democraticleaders to 'reclaim and reuse the most vital tool handed to us by thefounders for the defense of our most basic liberties.'"

You Have The Power!

It feels like everything and nothing is occurring on the Hill these days.

Democrats in Congress are caving on Iraq, compromising on trade, backtracking on ethics reform and pushing for an immigration bill that nobody likes.

Governing with a razor-thin majority ain't easy. And Democrats have done a robust and effective job at oversight, as promised. But they still lack either the backbone or the discipline to take real risks and fight the status quo.

It was fascinating to hear Nancy Pelosi hint that she will vote against her own House's latest Iraq funding bill. Could you imagine Tom DeLay acquiescing like that? Not to suggest that DeLay is a model for governance, but he would've pushed to get what he wanted--and only scheduled a vote once he did.

Ditto on immigration. Immigrant rights groups like the bill that passed the Senate last year, under Republican rule, better than the accord struck last week.

Even popular and straightforward measures, like raising the minimum wage, have been stalled for months.

Yesterday House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer released a five-month progress report, trumpeting Democratic successes. It was an odd bit of timing.

Loyal to the White House, Not the Rule of Law

Regent University School of Law graduate Monica Goodling, whose meteoric rise to the highest levels of the Department of Justice puther in a position to aid and abet a program of politicizingprosecutions by US Attorneys, opened her testimony before the HouseJudiciary Committee Wednesday by invoking her Fifth Amendment right torefuse to make statements that might incriminate her. Committee ChairJohn Conyers, D-Michigan, then delivered to Goodling a grant ofimmunity that allowed her to do something that is rare indeed for Bushadministration true believers: Tell the truth, the whole truth andnothing but the truth.

Goodling was right to be concerned about incriminating herself. Underquestioning from Democratic committee members, the former politicalcommissar for Attorney General Alberto Gonzales repeatedly admitted to"crossing the line" that separates legal and illegal activities byfederal officials. In so doing she offered another powerful insightinto the way in which the Bush administration, to which Goodling saysshe was unquestioningly loyal, has replaced the rule of law withpolitical calculations.

Whether Goodling met the "truth, whole truth and nothing but the truth"mandate remains open to question. Like her former boss, she sufferedfrom convenient memory loss at times regarding critical questions. ButGoodling's "I don't recalls" came far less frequently than those ofGonzales. And she was willing to take a good deal more responsibilityfor what went awry in the Department of Justice than has the man whoremains, tenuously, in charge of the agency.

Goodling opened her testimony with a declaration that she had "nodesire" to speak negatively about those she worked with in the Bushadministration. She then proceeded to point fingers of blame atmembers of what she described as her DOJ "family," including those whohad revealed details of her role in the scandal over the hiring andfiring of US Attorneys for political reasons.

Goodling went on to:

• confirm that former DOJ Chief of Staff Kyle Sampson had compiled alist of US Attorneys who would be fired -- apparently for beinginsufficiently partisan in their inquiries and prosecutions -- and thatGonzales had been aware of the list and involved in meetings about it,

• place White House political czar Karl Rove in a room where thefirings were discussed,

• acknowledge that, as early as 2OO5, there was talk about forcingUS Attorneys out to make way for White House favorites and

• explain how US Attorneys were "rewarded" for helping to promoteand defend the Patriot Act, at a time when that law was under attack asan assault on basic liberties.

The former White House liaison for the DOJ told the committee she neverattended meetings with top White House aides involving the areas forwhich she was responsible. At several turns, Goodling portrayed herselfas a strangely disconnected and powerless underling who was left out ofmeetings, told to stay in the shadows, sent away from importantsessions in taxis and otherwise neglected, dismissed and overlooked.Yes, she may have had the title of Director of Public Affairs, but,"no," Goodling told the committee, she was "not a decision-maker."Rather, she at one point presented herself as a sort of departmentalcheerleader who would send out e-mails to political appointees asking"Hey, who wants to go up to the White House...?"

But the woman who earned her law degree from a school that teachescourses on how lawyers in positions of authority can use their power toidentify and punish "sins," confirmed the crisis in the Bushadministration's Justice Department, and the manner in which sheperpetuated it.

"I do acknowledge that I may have gone too far in asking politicalquestions of applicants for career positions, and may have takeninappropriate political considerations into account on some occasions,"Goodling told the committee early in her testimony. She said she made"snap judgments" to block qualified applicants because they wereDemocrats or "liberal." Only under intense questioning from committee members LindaSanchez, D-California, and Jerry Nadler, D-New York, did she offer thedetails and perspective that made it clear her so-called "mistakes"were part of a deliberate and ongoing pattern of politicization of thehiring process at the nation's chief law-enforcement agency.

Goodling, a former opposition researcher for the Republican NationalCommittee, explicitly admitted to applying political and ideologicallitmus tests when interviewing applicants for key federal positions.

Even when Republican committee members attempted to diminish thesignificance of her admissions -- or, in the case of Minnesota Democrat Keith Ellison, to repeatedly interrupt legitimate lines of questioning -- Goodling continued to acknowledge that she had "crossed lines" of right and wrong.

Later, Goodling said that, despite invoking the Fifth, she did notbelieve she had violated any laws. In fact, the Hatch Act and a host ofother civil service laws and federal rules make it clear that theaggressive politicization of federal agencies is illegal. Underquestioning from Virginia Congressman Bobby Scott, Goodling admitted asmuch -- albeit, grudgingly.

Noting that the former Justice Department aide has acknowledged makingpersonnel decisions based on political considerations, Scott asked, "Doyou believe that it was legal or illegal for you to take thosepolitical considerations into account?"

Goodling stumbled several times before admitting, "The best I can sayis that I know I took political considerations into account."

"Do you believe they were illegal or legal?" asked Scott.

"I don't believe I intended to commit a crime," she answered,confirming that Regent University graduates are indeed trained to speakin a lawyerly manner.

Scott pressed: "Did you break the law? Is it against the law to takethose considerations into account?"

"I believe I crossed the lines," Goodling replied, "but I didn't meanto."

By "crossed the lines," Scott asked, did she mean that she had violatedfederal civil service laws?

Goodling responded: "I crossed the line of the civil service rules."

Scott clarified that those "rules" are, in fact, "laws."

The congressman got to the point of the inquiry into US Attorneyhiring and firing issues when he said that it appeared that in AlbertoGonzales' Department of Justice "the culture of loyalty to theadministration was more important than loyalty to the rule of law."

Nothing in Monica Goodling's testimony contradicted that impression.----------------------------------------------------------------------

John Nichols' latest book, THE GENIUS OF IMPEACHMENT: The Founders' Cure for Royalism has been hailed by authors and historians Gore Vidal, Studs Terkel and Howard Zinn for its meticulous research into the intentions of the founders and embraced by activists for its groundbreaking arguments on behalf of presidential accountability. Reviewing recent books on impeachment, Rolling Stone political writer Tim Dickinson, writes in the latest issue of Mother Jones, "John Nichols' nervy, acerbic, passionately argued history-cum-polemic, The Genius of Impeachment, stands apart. It concerns itself far less with the particulars of the legal case against Bush and Cheney, and instead combines a rich examination of the parliamentary roots and past use of the "heroic medicine" that is impeachment with a call for Democratic leaders to 'reclaim and reuse the most vital tool handed to us by the founders for the defense of our most basic liberties.'"