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The Soviet Union can no longer act as a brake on US.
expansion, and Western Europe cannot do so yet.
That is the bitter, bloody and understated lesson of
the current crisis.

The jingoist euphoria that followed a successful one-sided war may not last as long as the Republicans now assume.

The post-Stalinist regimes of Eastern Europe collapsed in part because of the glaring contrast between theory and practice, promise and fulfillment.

Amid the noise of the unending Urbatechnic affaire, a scandal over the Socialist Party's fraudulent financing of its electoral funds, the tenth anniversary of François Mitterrand's

Is Italy on the eve of a major political crisis? Is a change
of regime, or perhaps even the birth of a new republic,
imminent?

The sorcerer's apprentices could not even stage a
coup.

"How could anyone possibly say that the October Revolution was in vain?" the poet Tvardovsky angrily told Solzhenitsyn in what now seems another age.

On Sunday, October 27--the future as I write this--the Poles will elect their two houses of Parliament, for the first time in an entirely free vote.

In Maastricht twelve members of the European Community reached another stage on the road toward some form of union, notably with the pledge to introduce a common currency, the ecu, before the end

Forced out of office and deliberately humiliated, Mikhail Gorbachev nevertheless left the historical stage with the dignity of an actor who was aware of the crucial part he had played.

At the turn of the year, the Western media, like
latter-day Columbuses, suddenly discovered that
Europe was speaking with an increasingly strong
German accent. Their surprise was surprising.

CORRECTION: 28 percent of registered voters chose the Islamic Salvation Front. (3/2/92).

"At the burial of communism too many people want to jump from the coffin into the funeral procession." The Polish author of these lines tried to convey the idea that the former practitioners now

The specter haunting Europe today, as it approaches the twenty-first century, is the ghost of nineteenth-century nationalism.

France is still feeling the shock of a legal decision destined to induce collective amnesia.

Los Angeles is not the only place perturbing the sermons of the preachers of history's end and capitalism's eternal youth.

Boris Yeltsin, the former chief apparatchik in Sverdlovsk, and Gennadi Burbulis, the former professor of Marxism-Leninism in the same town, are the men behind the prosecution in the case against

Maastricht--shorthand now for the speeding up of the European Community's financial integration--is both an eye-opener and a mystification.

Boris Yeltsin celebrated the first anniversary of his reign in the mood of a satisfied yet rather puzzled survivor ("we jumped into the river not knowing how to swim...but we didn't drown").

By the skin of their teeth... Watching on French
television the gloomy faces of the alleged winners
one could not help feeling there was an element of
defeat in their victory.

When in London, if you have some time to spare, go east to the Isle of Dogs to visit what was to have been Europe's biggest office-plus-housing project.

History, whatever Hegel or Marx may have said about tragedy and farce, can also repeat itself as a tragicomedy.

You don't cross the Rubicon, argued Andre Malraux, in order to sit down on the other side and fish in its waters. Yet this is exactly what Boris Yeltsin did.

Nothing is over, not even the counting; given the prevailing mood of mutual suspicion there will be plenty of disputes over the final result.