“John, I will give you DC abortion. I am not happy about it.”
Those words, uttered by President Barack Obama during a meeting with speaker of the House John Boehner, may have averted a shutdown of the federal government late last week, but they did so at the expense of the 600,000 residents of the district of Columbia.
As part of the deal hatched between Obama and Boehner, a controversial proposal to defund Planned Parenthood’s preventive services was taken off the table in budget negotiations, but what remained was a prohibition on the use of the district’s local funds for abortions.
The DC abortion funding ban itself is not new—it was lifted by Congressional Democrats in 2009, adding the district to the list of just twenty-seven states that permit locally raised funds to be spent on abortion care—but its re-emergence is a stark reminder that district residents are still not treated as equal participants in American democracy.
Because of the district’s long-standing status as something of a federal colony, Congress has always reserved the right to govern over local affairs. Though the district gained an elected mayor and city council in 1973, final approval on all legislative and budgetary matters resides with Congress.
If local legislators pass a law, Congress gets to review it for thirty or sixty days; every annual city budget is similarly sent to the Hill, where members of Congress of either party can tinker as much as they see fit.
And tinker they have, mostly on social issues where they can score easy points with advocacy groups without having to worry about being penalized by their own constituents.
In 1998, district residents overwhelmingly voted for a proposed medical marijuana program, but Congressional opponents prohibited city officials from implementing the law. (The charge was led by Georgia Republican Bob Barr, who in 2007 had a change of heart and became a staunch critic of federal drug policies.) That same year, Congress also stopped the district from using local funds for needle-exchange programs—which are vital in a city with an HIV/AIDS rate rivaling that of some African countries.
Republicans have made it an annual ritual to introduce legislation that would not only gut the district’s existing gun laws but also forbid members of the DC Council from ever imposing new ones. And when same-sex marriage became legal in 2010, conservative Republicans repeatedly threatened to introduce legislation that would force the district to put the issue to a divisive public vote.
The examples are as numerous as they can be comical—in 2005, Rep. Henry Bonilla (R-TX) proposed that a long stretch of 16th Street cutting through the heavily Democratic district be renamed “Ronald Reagan Boulevard” and then-Senator Sam Brownback (R-Kansas) pitched using the city as a “laboratory” for a flat-tax scheme.
From 2002 to 2008, Congress even forbade the district from using its own money to advocate for voting rights, statehood or expanded legislative and budgetary autonomy.
During the recent Democratic majority, those prohibitions on needle-exchange programs, abortion, funding for DC voting rights advocacy, and medical marijuana were lifted, allowing local officials a measure of flexibility in governing according to the needs of residents. Funding to needle-exchange providers resumed, and the long-overdue medical marijuana program began to take shape. (It’s due to kick off this year.) Even marriage equality looked safe.