Quantcast

A Sort of Homecoming | The Nation

A Sort of Homecoming

  • Share
  • |
  • |
  • StumbleUpon.com
  • |
  • Recommended by 0
  • |
  • Text Size A | A | A

At least 12 million people from Africa were loaded into slave ships and transported to the Americas. How do people of African descent, scattered around the world, see their relationship to their ancestral home? Do they consider themselves "the African diaspora"? If their African heritage dates back several generations, is it "nebulous atavistic yearnings," as the Harlem Renaissance poet Countee Cullen once said, to search for their roots, to want some kind of bond with their ancestral homeland? Or is it important, in a neocolonial and still-racist world, that Africans and people of African descent see themselves as part of a transnational community? After all, the ancestors in question did not choose to leave their homeland; they arrived in the Americas in chains, and from the time they landed they were divided and dispersed, as a strategy of domination. And even though slavery has ended, people of African descent still wear its imprint on their skin, like a tattoo. Out of slavery came an ideology of racism that permeates the Western world to this day. Given the black collective memory of slavery, it is easy to understand the emotional tug of the ancestral land, the longing for Pan-African brotherhood and the desire for a community that is not racist. The trouble is, as these three books all show, Afro-diasporic solidarity is complex, and often fraught.

About the Author

Hazel Rowley
Hazel Rowley is the author of Richard Wright: The Life and Times and, most recently, Tête-a-Tête: Simone de...

Also by the Author

In the mid-1950s, 22-year-old Nora Sayre left her beloved New York and headed for London. An English major from Radcliffe, she was lured by the mystique of Bloomsbury. She also wanted to flee her parents' tormented marriage, her mother's suicidal manic-depression and visits to the dismal psychiatric wards in Bellevue hospital.

She remained in London for five years. Looking back at that time in her memoir On the Wing, Sayre sees that those expatriate years made her the "observant stranger" Henry James chose to become. Ideal training for a writer, her outsider status changed her lens, challenged her assumptions. It was liberating, she writes, to reach maturity outside 1950s America, with its crushing conformity. The years in fog-bound London pushed back her horizons. Ironically, she also became "more American each month," going to third-grade American movies for nostalgic glimpses of Manhattan. Despite persistent Yank-bashing in Britain, and quips about "un-British" behavior provoked by the infamous antics of the House Committee on Un-American Activities back home, Sayre was not going to be one of those Anglophile Americans in London who pronounced the "h" in herb or said cheerio instead of goodbye.

A decade after the end of the war, there were still the remains of bombed-out buildings in central London. Domestic coal fires reinforced the thick yellow industrial fogs. Houses were cold and drafty, and Sayre discovered chilblains. Plumbing was often primitive. As a freelancer, working from her bed-sitter in Queen's Gate, Sayre competed for the pay phone in the hallway with an unemployed Irish journalist who struck matches on the seam of his trousers.

She considered herself fortunate to be reviewing books for the left-wing weekly The New Statesman, widely regarded as Britain's foremost magazine of inquiry. In those shabby Grand Turnstile offices ("full of hot plates bubbling with tea or coffee or soup") she came into contact for the first time with political talk. In America, her generation had been sheltered, she claims, from recent historical realities.

Sayre had expected the British literary scene to resemble Bloomsbury. "How wrong I was." In postwar, welfare-conscious Britain, Virginia Woolf and her associates were regarded as snobbish upper-middle-class aesthetes. In those days, the "angry young men"--Kingsley Amis, Philip Larkin, John Osborne and others--held forth. Sayre was in the audience, thrilled by the daring diatribes she was hearing on stage, for the second performance of Osborne's Look Back in Anger. (Theater tickets were cheap, even for those on an austere budget like hers.) Among the rave reviews that came out the following Sunday, Kenneth Tynan wrote that Osborne's play had "lanced a boil." British audiences were hearing the language of the "sophisticate, articulate lower class" onstage, he said. Free education and state scholarships were finally denting the facade of British public school culture.

As Sayre points out, if one listened closely ("very closely"), these anti-Establishment writers were "railing against the welfare state and the lower middle classes, not the upper." By the 1970s they would emerge as extreme right-wingers. But at the time their ferocious eloquence and stubborn English nationalism seemed radical. Unlike the Bloomsbury set, they despised foreign travel. Sayre recalls that Larkin once said, "I wouldn't mind seeing China if I could come back the same day." Francophilia, formerly rampant in literary circles, was called French flu.

The British, Sayre had been warned, were reserved and repressed. In London, however, she was taken aback by the frankness, the sexual candor, the dramatic indiscretions in conversations and the insults with which writers and critics assessed one another's books in the Sunday papers. She was astonished by the quantities they drank. And she could scarcely believe the swearing she encountered at upper-crust dinner tables.

Sayre also heard a great deal of boastful talk about sex. Love was rarely mentioned--the subject seemed to embarrass the British. The romantically inclined Sayre felt like a "closet monogamist." Relieved to ditch her diaphragm for the pill (available in England earlier than in the United States), she found that the main challenge was to avoid the "flesh-eaters," as she calls those predatory men who seemed to live for conquests and found ways to punish women who refused to play along. Sayre came to a conclusion she would hold for the rest of her life: "While masochists are plentiful, sadists are quite scarce, hence they can find a slew of victims in a lifetime." One of these--and Sayre is by no means the first to say so--was Arthur Koestler. Her acquaintance with him was fleeting, but she paints a memorable cameo portrait of this bullying man, with his hissing Hungarian accent, drunken binges and nasty jokes about female anatomy.

Several of the brilliant conversationalists who befriended Sayre were thwarted writers--Oxford-Cambridge graduates, most of them, who ate and drank and talked excessively, under pressure to write the masterpiece that everyone expected of them. The literary critic John Davenport, famous in the pubs of Chelsea for his talk, was generous in his help to budding writers, including Sayre (and Mary McCarthy, with whom he fell in love). "I have been lucky in knowing so many revolting people," Davenport once said. "I mean people in revolt from the smugness of conventional society."

Just as portly but not at all avuncular, the novelist Cyril Connolly was widely known as one of those predators from whom all women should run. Sayre had a narrow escape. Connolly scathingly dismissed good conversation as "a ceremony of self-wastage." In his case, he knew it was all about writer's block. "Good talkers...are miserable," he said. "They know that they have betrayed themselves, that they have taken material which should have a life of its own, to dispense it in noises in the air."

The talk Sayre heard on Sunday afternoons was less refined. ("This fucking country! The toilets don't work.") In a large Georgian house in Hampstead known as Frognal, she met fellow Americans--mostly blacklisted Americans. The house, crammed with Klees, Chagalls and African sculptures, belonged to blacklisted playwright and screenwriter Donald Ogden Stewart and his British journalist wife, Ella Winter. She had bought the paintings in Hollywood, in the days when Stewart commanded a large salary. Those days they were selling them off, one by one.

Early recordings of "Joe Hill" might be playing in the background, and in the evening The Adventures of Robin Hood (written by blacklisted Americans) would be blasting forth from the TV set, while harmonica player Larry Adler and filmmakers Carl Foreman and Joseph Losey helped themselves without enthusiasm to Ella Winter's stale fruitcake. Charlie and Oona Chaplin occasionally dropped in from Vevey. In 1958, when finally--after eight long years--he was issued a passport, Paul Robeson turned up and was greeted with tearful jubilation by the Frognal community.

Those Sunday afternoons among Americans marked Sayre more than any other single aspect of her London experience. Whether or not she was representative of a generation of cosseted young Americans, she was remarkably naïve. Arriving in London in 1955, she knew nothing about the blacklist. ("How strange that I had to learn it abroad.") In Previous Convictions: A Journey Through the 1950s (1995) she writes that during the Army-McCarthy hearings a friend in her Radcliffe dormitory used to rise early to read the New York Times before the others got to it. Eventually this friend realized there was no competition; she could sleep until midday and the paper would still remain undisturbed. The young women were fully occupied writing essays on Yeats's plays and on the whiteness of the whale.

At Frognal, Sayre was for the first time "exposed to those who felt a responsibility for the character of their own society." After she returned to the United States, she would research the ignoble blacklist period of American history, writing a book, Running Time: Films of the Cold War (1982), in which she explored its impact on the movie industry. She interviewed dozens of blacklisted film people and wrote about the 1950s again in Previous Convictions.

If the Frognal section of On the Wing lacks the verve one might expect, given the importance of those Sunday afternoons in Sayre's life, it is partly because Sayre resorts to a mini-lecture about the blacklist. Moreover, this section first appeared in Previous Convictions, and with informative endnotes that have disappeared in this memoir.

Sayre's time in London was suffused with nostalgia for New York, a love that eventually had her packing her bags and breaking up her marriage. She teases us with some details about her relationship to this Englishman, but ultimately she leaves us with no idea of who he was or what their marriage was like. Sayre is far more revealing about others than about herself.

But these are minor quibbles. On the Wing is absorbing, beautifully written and full of vivid character portraits. With Sayre's death this past August at the age of 68, we have lost a fresh and engaging voice. Most beguiling of all, Sayre relished life, people, ideas, conversations. Somehow she makes her readers want to observe more finely and savor it all more keenly. *

In Middle Passages James T. Campbell (not to be confused with James Campbell, the Baldwin biographer) looks at various African-American journeys to Africa over the past two centuries. What did Africa mean to them? asks Campbell. What did America mean to them? In the past, the number of African-Americans traveling to Africa remained small. Since the growth of the African tourist industry in the 1990s, tens of thousands of African-American tourists have made pilgrimages there each year, and it often proves a charged emotional experience.

The first story in the book, an astonishing tale of dramatic reversals of fortune worthy of a Grimm fairy tale, reminds us just how ruthless was this trade in "black gold." In 1730 Ayuba Suleiman Diallo, a highborn Muslim man in West Africa, made a 200-mile trek to a place on the Gambia River where an English ship was anchored. He had slaves to sell, but the English captain was not prepared to pay enough, and Ayuba continued south into Mandinke territory. He exchanged his slaves for cattle and set off for home, unaware that he was being followed. He was waylaid. His captors shaved his head and beard. Back at the English ship on the Gambia, the English captain recognized him but apparently had no qualms about loading him on board as part of his human cargo. Ayuba would find himself working on a tobacco plantation in Maryland. And then came another dramatic reversal of fortune: His noble birth was discovered, and he was put on a ship to England, where he was adopted by the English gentry and met the royal family. After a year there, he boarded another slave ship, this time as a passenger, back to Africa. He spent the rest of his days working for the Royal Africa Company and facilitating the slave trade. "Viewed through the moral lenses of our own time, Ayuba seems guilty of the most appalling hypocrisy," writes Campbell, "but he would not have seemed so to contemporaries."

Langston Hughes was 21 in the summer of 1923, when he boarded a ship in the Brooklyn dockyards heading for West Africa. The 1920s was the Jazz Age, and the time of the black arts movement known as the Harlem Renaissance. As Hughes puts it, "The Negro was in vogue." Caught up in the neo-Romantic "primitivism" was a new fascination with Africa, its tom-tom exoticism, its black vitality. Hughes was as prone to employ these stereotypes as everyone else; the difference was that he was one of the few who actually made the voyage to Africa. Eager to escape the humiliation of racism in America, he hoped to find a truer, freer self in the home of his ancestors. His first sight of the coastline filled him with excitement: "My Africa, Motherland of the Negro peoples!" He would respond viscerally to the beauty of the landscape and the people, but he left Africa feeling rebuffed. Africans treated him like a white man. Years later, in his memoir The Big Sea, he would mock his naïve hopes and illusions.

It is sometimes surprising to see who clings most to the African mystique. W.E.B. Du Bois grew up in New England. At school he was never taught a thing about African history. It was not until he went to Fisk University that he developed an interest in Africa, and in 1907 he embarked on what would become a lifelong project, an Encyclopedia Africana. As Campbell writes, Du Bois was "a twentieth-century social scientist, determined to rescue Africa from the fog of mythology and misprision that had long enveloped it." In 1923 he set off for Liberia, an African-American colony established on the coast of West Africa a century earlier. (In the nineteenth century, Liberia was the most common destination for African-Americans traveling to Africa.) "The spell of Africa is upon me," Du Bois wrote in his journal. "The ancient witchery of her medicine is burning my drowsy, dreamy blood.... It is a great black bosom where the Spirit longs to die."

Campbell is hard on Du Bois's "romantic effusions." How could Du Bois remain silent about what was actually going on in Liberia? Wealth and power were concentrated in the hands of a small Americo-Liberian settler elite, who lived off a labor force made up of indigenous people who were treated like slaves. The frequent popular uprisings were brutally suppressed, with the support of the US government.

Richard Wright was another who had no time for Du Bois's romance with Africa; Wright vowed that he would tell the truth, however difficult and painful. When he traveled in 1953 to what was then "the Gold Coast," he felt "a vague sense of disquiet." It was an exciting time to be going there--the Gold Coast was about to throw off the chains of British colonialism--but Wright, like many African-Americans before and after him, was there partly on a personal quest. His ancestors had come from Africa; his grandparents, all four of them, had been slaves. He had been born "free," though it was not clear what that amounted to in Mississippi, the most impoverished and lynch-prone state in the segregated Deep South. The freedom to flee? At the age of 17 he had fled to the North, and twenty years later he had sailed out of New York Harbor ("I felt relieved when my ship sailed past the Statue of Liberty") to France. Now he was pinning his hopes on black brotherhood. On board the Accra, from Liverpool to Takoradi, he sat at his typewriter, preparing a statement for the African press. "I am one of the lost sons of Mother Africa. There is something in me that never left this land.... I pray that you will respond to me as one of your blood brothers."

They did not. Africans saw him as an American. The Western-educated elite did not give a damn that he was in their country. As for the Africans he met as he traveled around, Wright found himself at a complete loss. They stared at him and giggled. They evaded his questions. Even their laughter, he felt, was an evasive tactic. He was shocked that people urinated openly, in public. He was (unlike Du Bois) repelled by the women's naked breasts. The poverty distressed him, and he blamed the heinous crime of European colonialism. But he also decided that these people, with their superstitions and ancestor worship (he described these as "rot" and "mush"), did not know how to help themselves. Soon he was writing in his journal: "Africa! Where are you? Are you a myth?... I'm in despair. I find myself longing to take a ship and go home." The book that resulted from the trip, which, ironically enough, is titled Black Power, is honest, almost painfully so, about Wright's complete sense of estrangement.

Campbell's narrative is beautifully told and dense with detail. It is also singularly devoid of heroes, owing to the complex burdens of race. In this tangle of myths, contradictions and paradoxes, a visiting African-American is lucky to come away with his sanity intact. What place is there for heroes?

  • Share
  • |
  • |
  • StumbleUpon.com
  • |
  • Recommended by 0
  • |
  • Text Size A | A | A

If you like this article, consider making a donation.

Reprint this article. Click here for rights and information.