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Making the Case in Albany | The Nation

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Making the Case in Albany

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While most of the 1,500 people who traveled to Albany from all over New York State last Tuesday endured freezing winds outside the legislature to tell stories of families torn apart and chant slogans like "drop the rock" and "educate, don't incarcerate," the dozen activists I was trailing were inside ready to meet the enemy. This racially diverse group of organizers, drug policy wonks and ex-offenders walked the marble hallways to urge legislators and aides to support complete repeal of the draconian Rockefeller drug laws rather than the dueling partial proposals that are the likely legislative compromise. Part of an ongoing citizen's campaign, this "day of action and education" was organized by a broad coalition calling itself appropriately "Drop the Rock."

About the Author

Amy Bach
Amy Bach is the author of Ordinary Injustice: How America Holds Court.

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Imitation is the highest form of flattery. But liberal groups who want to counter the Federalist Society have no wish to flatter; they hope to engage liberal law students in a broad battle against the conservative legal movement.

On July 30 a cast of heavy hitters kicked off the American Constitution Society (www.americanconstitutionsociety.org), which grew out of an effort at Georgetown Law School to establish a networking and intellectual base for centrists and progressives. Speaking to loud cheers and standing ovations at Georgetown were former US Attorney General Janet Reno, NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund president Elaine Jones, former judge Abner Mikva, Harvard Law Professor Laurence Tribe and former Solicitor General Walter Dellinger. Judge Stephen Reinhardt, Judge Alex Kozinski's ideological adversary on the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, flew in from Los Angeles. Since an article appeared about the group in the New York Times in May, the number of law schools with students and professors hoping to open chapters has gone from twelve to eighty. The chapters will begin by sponsoring forums and debates, and lawyers' chapters are set to follow in metropolitan areas.

"One can always puzzle over the timing--where have we been for the past ten years?" said Chris Edley, a law professor at Harvard who is on the board of advisers. Former New York State Governor Mario Cuomo has also agreed to be on the board. Cuomo says he sees the group as a counterforce to make sure the Constitution is interpreted in a "reasonable" way. "Once you put that much weight on that side of the boat, you better put weight on the other side of the boat," he says. "We're the weight on the other side of the boat. We need to right the boat and keep it even."

Also during the summer, fifty-eight professors and lawyers met in Berkeley to form the tentatively named Equal Justice Society (www.equaljusticesociety.org), which will sponsor discussions on how to protect civil rights. Eva Paterson, the group's founder, who directs the Lawyers Committee for Civil Rights in San Francisco, said she realized the necessity of a coherent response to the right after giving a speech at a convention of black federal judges. "Judges came flying forward," she said. "They said, 'Could you just bring us some theories? We sit there in our chambers and don't have any theories.'" The problem, she admits, is that liberalism is more fractured politically and more complicated judicially; being opposed to government intervention is easier than the messy business of creating government action. The first national conference will be held October 12-13 at Harvard Law School. The host will be Professor Charles Ogletree.

A third organization, the New York-based Institute for Democracy Studies (www.idsonline.org), also plans to establish student chapters this fall "to do detailed research on the conservative legal movement" at New York University, CUNY and Columbia. The chapter at Columbia will be headed by Professor Jack Greenberg, former director-counsel of the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, who helped litigate Brown v. Board of Education.

In their last appointment of the day, the advocates sat in the conference room of Senator Dale Volker, a staunch supporter of tougher criminal laws, including the movement to restore capital punishment and build more prisons. Volker is also head of the Codes Committee, which oversees the creation of new criminal law in New York State. According to advocates inside the meeting, they had an antagonistic discussion with Volker's lawyer, Junior Drexilius, whose boss is expected to sponsor Governor George Pataki's bill that would increase penalties for marijuana sale and possession and could send even more low-level drug offenders to prison than is currently the case.

Still, advocates put their best arguments forward, explaining how the Rockefeller laws have failed in their stated intent. Because the main criterion for guilt is not the offenders' role but the amount of drugs in their possession at the time of arrest, police and prosecutors find it easier to nail the low-level users and sellers, most of whom are minorities. The brains behind the operation, the drug kingpins, usually receive a get-out-of-jail-free card in exchange for giving information and writing a check. Drexilius countered that race plays no role in sentencing and that when law enforcement incarcerate drug dealers, they are indeed winning the war on drugs.

That's when one advocate, who asked not to have his named used, stood up and told his story. "I bought my way out of jail," said the gray-haired white man. He then went on to explain that he used to work as a smuggler until he was caught. He served only two years in a detention facility--not a prison--because he gave the prosecution information and revealed bank accounts they could otherwise never have seized. He wrote the government a $4 million check and vowed he would try to change the system that landed his employees in prison and let him start a better life. Today, he works to help released prisoners so that they don't re-offend.

In a day with many striking moments, including many young people of color marching with numerals safety-pinned to their chests, and which meant so much for giving supporters of all ages a sense that they are part of a larger movement, here was an unusual occurrence. While lobbying efforts like these often yield rewards like networking, exchanging information and solidifying a base of support, here the best possible outcome could have happened: A light bulb could have gone off in the opposition's mind. But when I spoke to Drexilius afterwards, he said he still didn't really get it. "My sense is that he was a smuggler but not drugs--whether it was diamonds, drugs, jewelry I don't know. There are a lot of things you can smuggle," Drexilius said.

Drexilius said he was surprised to find out that this particular organizer was a smuggler because he had known him and his "outstanding" work for years. He says real-life stories about former offenders are par for the course on lobbying day that happens every Tuesday in Albany. "There are bad people and some of them show up in my office," he says. "People who have been convicted of serious drug felonies were major drug dealers and then they say that we should change the laws. It's a little outrageous."

Next Tuesday, a group of district attorneys will come to Albany to argue that the Rockefeller drug laws are working effectively, a sign that the opposition is becoming more formidable. Perhaps Drexilius will have less trouble understanding what they are saying.

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