Brookline, Mass.

His justifiable zeal to defend Palestinian rights leads Alexander Cockburn to call me an apologist for “policies put into practice by racists, ethnic cleansers and, in Sharon’s case, an unquestioned war criminal who should be in the dock for his conduct” [“Beat the Devil,” June 3]. Since I share Cockburn’s criticism of reflexive support for every Israeli policy and I agree with much of what he says about false claims of anti-Semitism, I wish he’d accompanied his identification of my possible inconsistencies with accurate reporting of what I actually wrote. Ascribing to me words I’d never say and views I reject is either sloppy or dishonest.

My essay in Salon suggested the pro-Palestinian left should address, where it exists, anti-Semitism, superficial argumentation and difficulties of communication. I end with this: “The justice-based left must seek analyses and solutions built on general principles, and reject those that make new forms of oppression inevitable.”

I also say this: I march to protest Israeli policy; Israel has committed past massacres and West Bank atrocities; ending Palestinian oppression is central; the occupation must end; expulsion of Palestinians would amount to ethnic cleansing; the pro-Israel explanation of how Palestinians became refugees in 1948 is unsupported; armed resistance (though not against uninvolved civilians) is legitimate; a Palestinian call for militant nonviolent resistance is welcome. And I say clearly that opposing Israeli policy is not anti-Semitic.

Cockburn’s absolutism is matched by his opposites. A letter to my local newspaper, for which I write a column, claimed that my views would lead to “the destruction of Israel and create a danger to Jews throughout the world.” That writer, too, sees only what he wants to see.

I continue to advocate justice-focused discussion. Please see for more.



Petrolia, Calif.

There was nothing sloppy or dishonest about what I wrote. The third paragraph of Fox’s letter is fine, and if my column pushed him to make it clear, it served its purpose. I wish he’d written it in his Salon piece.




Jason Leopold’s “White Should Go–Now” [May 27] is built upon lies and unethical reporting. Not only did Leopold unethically list me as an on-the-record source, he attributed comments to me that were never discussed and are absolutely not true.

In reference to energy contracts signed with major California customers in 1998, the article incorrectly states, “Jestings said he told [Thomas] White that EES [Enron Energy Services] would actually lose money this way, but White said Enron would make up the difference by selling electricity on the spot market…which Enron had bet would skyrocket in 2000.” The article continues the lies by stating that “Jestings said he continued to complain to White that the profits declared by the retail unit were not real.” These statements were never made to Leopold and are absolutely false. I had significant responsibility for these 1998 contracts and believed that they would be profitable, and therefore I would never have made such statements. Furthermore, if Enron believed the spot market would skyrocket in 2000, it would never have signed long-term, fixed-rate contracts with these California customers in 1998!

Leopold then states that “Jestings said he resigned from EES in 2000 because he did not agree with the way EES reported profits.” Again, this is not true. I resigned in early 1999 for personal reasons and not because of the way EES reported profits. In fact, EES was not making profits when I left.

It is clear that Leopold is trying to build a picture of cover-up and manipulation by White using statements falsely attributed to me. This is irresponsible reporting at its worst. In my short tenure at EES, I developed great respect for White. He is an honest and ethical man and deserves fair reporting.



Los Angeles

During my hourlong conversations with Lee Jestings on not one but three different occasions leading up to the publication of this story, I reminded Jestings that I would be using his comments in print. Simply put, Jestings was well aware that he was on the record. He cannot retract his statements after the fact and then accuse me of being unethical and a liar. I sought out Jestings, and when I found him he chose to respond to my numerous questions about EES and Thomas White. I did, however, mistakenly report that Jestings left EES in 2000.

Jestings says that EES did not show a profit when he left. However, EES under White’s leadership reported that the unit was profitable in 1999 after Jestings left the company. But Enron was forced in April to restate those profits because they were illusory. Moreover, Jestings said during the interview that he had taken issue with EES’s use of “mark to market” accounting, in which the unit was able to immediately book gains based on contracts signed with large businesses. Jestings never said during the interview that he believed these contracts would eventually become profitable. But that’s beside the point. Jestings said EES’s use of aggressive accounting tactics during White’s tenure left shareholders believing the company was performing better than it actually was.

Jestings says White was honest and ethical while he was vice chairman at EES. My report indicates otherwise.



West Orange, NJ

There was a critical error in “Relearning to Love the Bomb” by Raffi Khatchadourian [April 1]. Khatchadourian says that so-called mini-nukes of about five-kiloton yield have smaller explosive effects than the US conventional “daisy cutter” bombs. This is clearly wrong. A five-kiloton explosion is equal to 5,000 tons of TNT, while the daisy cutter weighs only 7.5 tons. Even allowing for the development of modern explosives more powerful than TNT, the difference between the weapons, and their relative destructive potential, is of several orders of magnitude. The following excerpt from the Federation of American Scientists’ Military Analysis Network ( directly addresses that point.

“The BLU-82B/C-130 weapon system, nicknamed Commando Vault in Vietnam and Daisy Cutter in Afghanistan, is a high altitude delivery of 15,000-pound conventional bomb, delivered from an MC-130 since it is far too heavy for the bomb racks on any bomber or attack aircraft. Originally designed to create an instant clearing in the jungle, it has been used in Afghanistan as an anti-personnel weapon and as an intimidation weapon because of its very large lethal radius (variously reported as 300-900 feet) combined with flash and sound visible at long distances. It is the largest conventional bomb in existence but is less than one thousandth the power of the Hiroshima nuclear bomb.”

No useful analysis of nuclear policy can be made by equating large conventional bombs with even the smallest nuclear bombs in any way. An analysis of policy and decision-making regarding the conventional/nuclear threshold demands a clear understanding of how very powerful and devastating nuclear weapons are. The author seems to be blurring the lines of allowable nuclear-weapons use far more than the Administration he criticizes.



New York City

Let me begin by pointing out that I said “five kilotons or less.” Some proponents of new nukes have pushed for weapons of lower tonnage. Others argue that five kilotons is roughly optimal.

C. Paul Robinson, director of Sandia National Laboratories, demonstrates the debate: “I’m not talking about sub-kiloton weapons…
as some have advocated, but devices in the low-kiloton range, in order to contemplate the destruction of hard or hidden targets, while being mindful of the need to minimize collateral damage.” In April, Benjamin Friedman, an analyst at the Center for Defense Information, wrote: “What is revolutionary about current proposals is the idea of reducing the yield of tactical nuclear weapons to levels approaching those of conventional explosives, to around one-tenth of a kiloton, which would theoretically bridge the gap between a conventional and a nuclear weapon.”

The United States has developed “sub-kiloton” atomic weapons before. One such weapon, the Davy Crockett, contained warheads weighing only fifty-one pounds, with explosive yields near 0.01 kilotons (roughly 10 tons of TNT). We made 2,100 of those between 1956 and 1963.

When my article was written, it was unclear what size the Bush Administration’s defense team envisioned for its nuclear bunker buster. To a degree it still isn’t, although some now suggest it could be above five kilotons. However, this doesn’t change what’s being contemplated: a weapon that appears to avoid the kind of casualties that put current nukes outside the boundary of political acceptability.

I regret if I seemed to suggest that a five-kiloton nuclear warhead could be smaller in explosive power than the world’s largest conventional weapon. That is inaccurate. I attempted to illustrate that on the continuum of weaponry, a gap that appeared inconceivably wide not so long ago is now being pushed closer. As the recent Nuclear Posture Review demonstrates, narrowing that distance is as much a matter of ideas as a matter of tons.

Raffi Khatchadourian


Brooklyn, NY

Katha Pollitt is right on about great white hope Dennis Kucinich [“Subject to Debate,” May 27 and June 10]. The boys who disparage abortion rights as a foolish, single-issue orthodoxy don’t have a clue. Here’s a hint for you guys. “Abortion” is about equitable reproductive health services for women, obviously including the ability to end a pregnancy, but it’s also about how we think of women, and how we treat them. Are women valued as the sum of their reproductive parts, or as human beings?

We know where the fundamentalists stand: Protestant, Catholic, Hindu, Islamic and Jewish fundamentalisms, as well as secular dictatorships, are united on the need to control women’s bodies. And now, thanks to Pollitt, we know where Kucinich stands. He moves or he loses.


New York City

As co-directors of an organization of the economic left, we second Katha Pollitt’s admonition that Dennis Kucinich cannot claim the mantle of an economic progressive while being virulently anti-choice. Reproductive freedom is not just a matter of personal morality, it is a fundamental element of economic justice. No woman can determine her own economic destiny without the freedom to choose whether to bear a child. Progressives looking for champions cannot be so desperate as to overlook such a fundamental right. There are numerous other members of Congress–of course, we’d like a lot more–who understand that reproductive rights are part of the fight for economic justice.

Citizen Action of New York


Media, Pa.

My weekly ritual of reading the Nation cover to cover on Monday was stymied last week when my postman left my mailbox door open on a soaker of a day. I got home eager for the week’s insights only to find a soggy Nation limp in the box. Eek! I ran upstairs and spastically looked for options. My girlfriend with astonishment: “What the heck are you doing?” when she saw me using the hair dryer to dry my coveted pages one by one. Did you ever know how important your work is!