To better understand the impact of the WikiLeaks cables throughout Latin America, The Nation convened a forum, moderated by guest editor Peter Kornbluh, of veteran reporters from Peru, Argentina and Chile—all of whom were directly involved in obtaining and reporting on the cables in their respective countries.
Gustavo Gorriti, Peru’s leading investigative reporter, is the founder of IDL-Reporteros, a Web-based investigative news agency that he also directs. Santiago O’Donnell, international editor of the Argentine daily Página/12, is the author of ArgenLeaks: Los cables de Wikileaks sobre la Argentina, de la A a la Z. Francisca Skoknic is an investigative reporter at the Centro de Investigación e Información Periodística (CIPER), an online investigative media center in Santiago, Chile.
The Nation: What was the most important thing you learned from WikiLeaks about how the United States operates in your countries?
Santiago O’Donnell: The WikiLeaks cables helped us understand a number of things about the US role in Argentina: first, how security arrangements and cooperation on security issues have become the central element in US-Argentine relations. But the cables also illuminate the economic relationship. They contain the rather extraordinary details of which US companies use the US Embassy for lobbying to advance their corporate interests, what issues those companies push and how, behind the scenes, they go about pushing them. Finally, the cables also reveal how Argentine public figures act and talk once they are inside the walls of the embassy—who defends Argentine interests and who sucks up to the US ambassador.
Francisca Skoknic: As you know, Chile has a traumatic history regarding US involvement in its internal affairs—funding and promoting the 1973 coup d’état. So for Chileans, it was a relief to read the new WikiLeaks cables and to confirm that the US Embassy is no longer a relevant political actor in Chile. If you read the details of the secret conversations, you see that some Chilean authorities talked with the US diplomats about internal affairs and that some of their conversations were not “politically correct.” But there is no trace of scandalous US intervention in local politics, as there is in other countries.
Gustavo Gorriti: You know, it was a good experience to be the fly on the wall of the US Embassy, listening in on their conversations, looking over their shoulder as they sent their dispatches. We saw nothing really unexpected. But what you see in the documents at times is the interplay between various US government agencies represented in the cables. That is important to understand, in order to understand US policy.
What story created the biggest uproar?
Gorriti: You have to understand that when we obtained the WikiLeaks cables, Peru was at a historical crossroads: the 2011 election, which pitted progressive candidate Ollanta Humala against former president and now convicted human rights criminal Alberto Fujimori’s daughter, Keiko Fujimori. During the campaign, Keiko was ahead in the polls. All the gangsters from the Fujimori regime were already rubbing their hands thinking that when she won, they were going to go from jail back to power. We published a story—“Alberto Fujimori and the Replacement Candidacy”—based on a series of cables that revealed the secret discussions Keiko and other Fujimoristas had had over the years with US Embassy officers. They demonstrated that, contrary to her campaign declarations that she was a “new” candidate independent of her imprisoned father, he was still pulling the political strings. The Keiko story had a strong impact. Together with a strong pro-democracy activism, it contributed to the unexpected defeat of the plutocrats in Peru.