In the three years since Citizens United burst the dam on political spending by corporations, businesses have been flooding elections with cool, influential cash. Much of this money has remained secret, as corporations have eschewed donating through SuperPACs, which are required to disclose donors, in favor of channeling their money through opaque nonprofit entities, known as 501(c)(4)s, which can conceal donors’ identities.
But now, thanks to recently released tax returns, we are beginning to learn just who some of the dark-money princes were in 2012 and how much money they spent. As the returns reveal, business interests were very busy during that election, quietly underwriting potent partisan activities that, more often than not, benefited Republicans.
Among the biggest dark-money players was Americans for Prosperity, which dumped $122 million into various election and advocacy efforts. Founded and largely financed by the Koch brothers, the organization also drew undisclosed support from major corporations, according to tax returns and voluntary disclosures. As AFP hammered Obama with attack ads and sponsored an unprecedented get out the vote effort, the group quietly received donations from the tobacco products giant Reynolds American, from a business league of cable companies, and from the American Petroleum Institute, a trade group representing firms in the oil industry, including ExxonMobil, Chevron and the U.S.-subsidiary of TransCanada. And no wonder: one of the legislative priorities championed by Americans for Prosperity during the election, the REINS Act, would require Congress to approve every major regulation put forward by a Federal agency, from banking rules to clean air and beyond—a radical proposal that would be a windfall for AFP’s corporate backers.
Another organization that received significant corporate backing was the American Action Network, a pro-GOP 501(c)(4) that blanketed mostly House races with negative advertising. During the election, the group covertly received $250,000 from the American Petroleum Institute, in addition to $1.5 million from the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America, a trade group of multinational drug companies like Merck and Japan-based Eisai Co. All told, it spent $11.7 million to sway house races toward business-friendly candidates.
Watching campaign commercials from the American Action Network, there was no indication on air or on its website that the group was financed by companies seeking government favor on a range of tax and regulatory issues. Both PhRMA and the American Petroleum Institute are consistently rated among the most active lobbying groups in the country.
The ads, however, did not shy from staking out baldly partisan positions, with Republicans receiving the all the AAN love. One ad depicted three Democratic lawmakers running for re-election in California as Larry, Moe and Curly of the Three Stooges. Meanwhile, in House races in southern Illinois and in western New York State, the American Action Network spent more than $1.7 million dollars in mailers and advertisements to help the Republican candidates. In each race, the Republicans won by a margin of less than 1.8 percent.